अपनी जरूरत और अपने मन मुताबिक सजे संवरे स्त्री

रमणिका गुप्ता जी के आलेख " पुरुषनिर्मित सौन्दर्यकसौटी पर ही खुद को तोलती है औरते" पर वर्षा ने जो टिप्पणी की है उस के जवाब में रमणिका जी का कहना है कि स्त्री और पुरूष एक दुसरे के पूरक ही नहीं बल्कि एक दुसरे की कमजोरी भी हैं लेकिन इसका अर्थ यह नहीं की पुरुष  स्त्री को अपनी दासी समझ कर उसके साथ हिंसक व्यवहार करे। स्त्री और पुरूष के बीच आकर्षण होना स्वाभाविक हैं और होना भी चाहिये, इसका यह मतलब नहीं कि महिला अपने आप को पुरूष की दासी समझे और पुरूष उस पर किसी भी तरह का प्रतिबंध लगाये और को किसी भी पुरूष को अपनी भावुकता के आगे झुकना पडे।
प्रेम से हुआ समर्पण गुलामी नहीं कहलाता लेकिन यदि समर्पण महिला की इच्छा के विरुद्ध किया गया गुलामी कहलाता है आज की स्त्री केवल ड्राइंगरूम की मूर्ती नहीं रह गयी है। वह अपने पेशे के अनुसार सजती संवरती रहती है और अपने स्वास्थय का ध्यान रखती है, हर औरत फिल्म नायिका  नहीं होती जिसे लुभाने के लिये सोंदर्य के आंकड़े पर खरा उतरना पडे। पुरूष अगर सजने के लिये जिम या पार्लर में जाते हैं तो केवल सुन्दर लगने के लिये नहीं बल्कि स्वस्थय रहने के लिये भी जाते है।
पु्रूष और महिला एक दुसरे को साथ दें और अपनी पहचान खुद बनायें, औरत अगर अपना सोंदर्य अपनी जरूरत के अनुसार निर्मित करे तो यह सही होगा आज वह नौकरी के लिये बाहर जाती है जहाँ उसे चुस्ती की आवश्यक्ता पडती है तब वह अपनी सुविधानुसार मेकअप करती है, पुरुष को लुभाने के लिये नहीं, मैं यह पुरूष के विरोध में नहीं बल्कि नारी अपनी पहचान और आत्मसम्मान के लिये सजे संवरे यही मेरा आश्य है वह किसी भी तरह से पुरूष के दबाव से मुक्त  हो 
मेरी कविता की पंक्तियाँ  हैं
मैं तुमसे मुक्त तो होना चाहती हूँ
इसका अर्थ यह नहीं है  की
मैं तुम्हारे  प्यार से मुक्त तो होना चाहती हूँ
मैं तो खुद को प्यार करना चाहती  हूँ

'पंजाबी साहित्य में दलित कदम'',युद्धरत आम आदमी पत्रिका विषेशांक का लोकार्पण

दलित लेखन को प्रोत्साहन देने में रमणिका फाऊंडेशन और 'युद्धरत आम आदमी' पत्रिका का अमुल्य योगदान है। यदि ऐसा कहा जाये कि इस ने दलित लेखन को एक आंदोलन की शक्ल दी तो अतिशयोक्ती नहीं होगी। जिस तरह दलित समाजिक बुराई से लडते-भिडते हुये अपनी व्यथा-गाथा लिख रहे हैं वह निश्चय ही उन्की आत्मचेतना को ऊपर उठाने में मददगार सिद्ध होगा। इसी सन्दर्भ में 'युद्धरत आम आदमी' ने २६ नवंम्बर २००१ में एक विषेशांक का लोकार्पण किया जिसे नाम दिया गया "पंजाबी साहित्य में दलित कदम'।

रमणिका गुप्ता की पुस्तक 'लहरों की लय" का विमोचन

"लहरों की लय" पुस्तक में, रमणिका गुप्ता जी द्वारा लिखी गयी विभिन्न देशों की यात्रांओं का वर्णन समाहित हैं। मैकि्सको, बर्लिन, फ्रांस, हांगकांग, ज़र्मनी,नोर्वे, क्युबा, फिलीपींस, रूस आदि देशों की भोगोलिक संस्कृति, राजनीतिक और सामाजिक परिवेश का लेखा-जोखा बेहद रोचक ढंग से किया गया है। इस पुस्तक का विमोचन राजेंद्र यादव,अशोक वाजपयी, असगर वजाहत, ने साहित्य अकादमी सभागार में  किया।
इस अवसर पर बडी संख्या में साहित्यकारों उपस्थित थे।

दृष्टिकोण बदलना होगा

1. हम हिंदी को समृद्ध करने की बात करते है और उसे बेडियो में बांध के भी रखते है. मेरी बेडियो का अर्थ है साहित्य के मठाधिशो के उस सोच से जो वास्तव में साहित्य को अपनी जागीर समझते है. जो एक सिरे से साहित्य  में आए विमर्शो को हजम नहीं करपाते तभी स्त्री विमर्श को घर फोड़ने वाला और स्त्रियों के अपने संघर्ष की गाथा को असब्दो से नवाजा जाता रहा है. वाही अनुवाद भी आज हमारी हिंदी को समृद्ध कर रही है, उसके माध्यम से हम नए शब्द सिख रहे है और उन्हें हिंदी भाषा में सामिल कर उसे सरल और सुबोध बना रहे है तो ये लोग आपति करते है की हिंदी अशुद्ध  हो रही है . मेरे दोस्तों हिंदी तो विराट समुंदर है जो अपने में सरे भाषाओ समेट कर  भी अपनी प्रक्रति और mul में  कोई बदलाव नहीं होता. अतः हिंदी के और हिंदी साहित्य के सम्पूर्ण विकाश के  liy  

हमारी भाषा भी स्त्राी विरोधी है

हमारी भाषा भी कितनी स्त्राीविरोट्ठाी है या कहूं कितनी पुरुषवाद की क.ायल हैङ्कयह स्त्राी के संदर्भ में प्रयोग होने वाले शद्बों से ही पता चल जाता है। ऐसे तो विश्व में जितनी भी भद्‌दी अश्लील गालियां हैंङ्कसभी स्त्राी को या उसके अंगों को लेकर हैं। अजीब बात है कि स्त्राी के जिन अंगों के लिए पुरुष दीवाना बना रहता हैङ्कउन्हीं अंगों को वह गाली बना कर अपनी भड ास निकालता है। लगता है जैसे स्त्राी के आगे हार जाने पर हीनताग्रस्त पुरुषों ने ही हताशा में इन गालियों को गढ ा होगा। 'स्तन* शद्ब ही लीजिए! एक बच्चा (पुरुष भी अपने बालक रूप में उसमें शामिल होता है)ङ्कदूट्ठा पीकर ऊर्जा पाकर विकसित होता है, युवा होता है!उन्हीं स्तनों की महिमा में श्रॐंगाररस के कवियों ने ग्रन्थ पर ग्रन्थ लिख मारे हैंङ्कलेकिन वार्तालाप में  'स्तन* शद्ब का प्रयोग अश्लील माना जाता है। लगता है पुरुषों ने, चाहे पालक के रूप में हो या पति के रूप में इस शद्ब पर अपना निजि रूप से एकाट्ठिाकार जमा लिया है । बस अपने एकान्त के लिए सुरक्षित रख लिया इसे। एकान्त से बाहर प्रयोग अश्लील घोषित कर दिया गया। गाय या भैस अपने शावकों को 'थन* से दूध पिलाती है, उसी का पर्याय  'स्तन* भी है। विडम्बना यह है कि स्त्राी से जुड.ते ही यह शद्ब अश्लील हो जाता है। विचित्रा यह भी कि 'थन* तभव हो कर श्लील है और 'स्तन* तत्सव और अभिजात होकर अश्लील। यह पुरुषों की मानसिकता के साथसाथ अभिजात वर्गों व आम आदमी की सोच के अन्तर को भी प्रकट करता है।स्त्राी की कोख. से बच्चे पैदा होने पर घर भर में खुशियां मनाई जाती हैं। किसी को कोई एतराजद्र नहीं होता। पर चूंकि यही कोख् ा  स्त्राी की देह का अंग हैंङ्कइसलिए वह न सिर्फ गाली का पर्याय है, बल्कि अश्लील और अपवित्रा भी बना दी गई । हालांकि इसी कोख  के दीवाने हो कर विश्वमित्राों जैसे कई ऋषिमहर्षियों ने शकुन्तलाओं की परम्परा की नींव डाली या उससे अनेकों महापुरुष एवं तथाकथित अवतार, वीरपैगम्बर, फरिश्ते यहाँ तक कि ईश्वर भी प्रकट हुए।
दो और शद्ब हैंङ्क'स्वेच्छाचारी* और 'स्वतंत्रा* अथवा 'आजाद* ये दोनों शद्ब स्त्राी के संदर्भ में आते ही चरित्राहीनता के अर्थ में समझे जाने लगते हैं। यह अलग बात है कि 'स्वतन्त्रा* शद्ब आज के युग में देशों के 'स्वतन्त्रातासंग्रामों* से जुड कर गौरवान्वित हो रहा है किन्तु साट्ठाारणतया स्त्राी के प्रसंग में प्रायः यह शद्ब आज भी 'एक बेलगाम स्त्राी* के अर्थ में ही प्रयुक्त होता है। ऐसे आजकल स्त्राी के सन्दर्भ में भी कहींकही यह शद्ब 'एक मुक्त या आजद्राद स्त्राी* के अर्थ में प्रयुक्त हो रहा है, जो शुभ है। किन्तु एसा सिर्फ अभिजात वर्ग में हैं।हमारा समाज पुरुष को तो स्वभावतः 'स्वातंत्रा* ही मानते आया है। स्वतत्रांता को पुरुष का जन्मजातसच या कहा जाय 'जन्मसिद्घ अनिवार्य अधिकार* माना जाता है। न जाने किन परिस्थितियों में 'स्वेच्छाचारी* शद्ब, खास कर औरत के संदर्भ में अवमानित कर दिया गया और वह एक 'व्यभिचारी* 'आवारा* या  'बदमाश* औरत के अर्थ में परिभाषित किया जाने लगा। हॉलाँकि 'स्वेच्छाचारी* शद्ब का सीधासपाट अर्थ या कहें शद्बार्थ होता हैङ्क'वह जो अपनी इच्छा से आचरण करे!* दरअसल अपनी इच्छा से आचरण करना तो किसी मनुष्य या व्यक्ति की स्वतन्त्रा प्रवॐत्तिा या मुक्ततता की भावना का द्योतक हैङ्कजबकि दूसरे की इच्छा से आचरण करने से दासत्व या गुलामी की ध्वनि निसॐत होती है। इतना स्पष्ट अर्थ होने के बावजूद भाषा में व्याप्त पुरुष शाउनिज्म ने इस शद्ब के अर्थ को नकारात्मक अर्थ दे दिया और औरत के स्वेच्छाचारी होने का अर्थ उसकी चरित्राहीनता का पर्याय बना दिया। तसलीमा नसरीन ने भी स्वेच्छाचारी शद्ब को स्त्राीमुक्ति के सन्दर्भ  में अधिक संप्रेषणीय और सही ठहराते हुए कहा हैङ्क''हाँ मैं स्वेच्छाचारी हूँ।**
सच तो यह है कि, जो औरत स्वेच्छाचारी होगी वही किसी पुरुष के प्रस्ताव को नकार या स्वीकार करने का साहस रख सकती है, जो औरत अपनी इच्छा से आचरण न कर सके, वैसी औरत में इन्कार करने की हिम्मत ही नहीं होती। उसे किसी भी प्रकार की हिंसा, व्याभिचार, बलात्कार या छेड.छाड  का शिकार आसानी से बनाया जा सकता है।लेकिन वाह रे पुरुष का मन। कहीं स्वेच्छाचारी औरत अपने मन से किसी को वर न लेङ्कप्यार न कर लेङ्कया अपने ऊपर किसी को जबरन थोपे जाने से इन्कार न कर देङ्कइसी डर से उसने औरत के संदर्भ में इस शद्ब को ही 'अछूत* बना दिया।
तसलीमा नसरीन के शद्बों मेंङ्क''स्वेच्छाचारी का अर्थ जिसकिसी के साथ सो जाना नहीं है। वही औरत स्वेच्छाचारी कहला सकती है, जो इच्छा न होने पर मर्द के साथ न सोये और सोने से इनकार कर दे।**
मैनें अपनी घोषित निजी आत्मकथा का नाम 'स्वेच्छाचारी* शद्ब का पंजाबी पर्याय 'आपहुदरी* रखा चूंकि मेरी नजद्रर में  केवल 'स्वतंत्रा* होना औरत की मुक्तिमुहिम के सम्पूर्ण लक्ष्य को निर्दिष्ट नहीं करता। आन्दोलन का लक्ष्य केवल औरत का पुरुष वर्चस्व से मुङ्कत होना ही नहीं है। वह अपनी इच्छानुसार मुङ्कत आचरण करने का साहस भी रखती होङ्कउसमें निर्णय लेने की क्षमता ही नहीं, बल्कि उसका परिणाम भोगने की हिम्मत व हौसला भी हो, हमारा अभीष्ट उसके आर्थिक तौर पर आत्मनिर्भर, मानसिक तौर पर साहसी और सबल होने के साथसाथ, नैतिक तौर पर एक 'आजाद इनसान*ङ्क'एक मुङ्कत मनुष्य*, 'एक स्वच्छंद इकाई*, एक 'जिम्मेवार नागरिक* होना भी है। एक स्वेच्छाचारी औरत ही ऐसी सक्षम औरत हो सकती है चूंकि वह इनकार करने का जोखिद्रम उठाने और स्वीकार करने का साहस भी रखती है। हमारा अभीष्ट है ऐसी औरतें , जो अपना निर्णय खुद लें और उसका फल भोगने को भी तैय्यार रहें। जो हवा में मुङ्कत उड.ने का दम भरने की हिम्मत रखें और अपनी इच्छाओं को 'गुनाह* नहींङ्कप्रकॐति की 'नेमत*या प्रकॐतिप्रदत्ता गुण मानें। जो प्रेम करने से डरे नहीें। स्वेच्छाचारी व मुक्त औरत कायर नहीं होती। मुङ्कत औरत नैतिकता के नाम पर गुलाम रहने को मजबूर नहीं होती। वह अपनी नैतिकता स्वयं गढ.ती है।
ऐसे तो हर जीवन के बदसूरत पहलुओं से रूबरू होने को अभिशप्त है औरत! उसे खूबसूरत पहलुओं से वंचित रखने के लिए समाज ने, खासकर पुरुष समाज और उनके हथियार बने धर्म ने कड े नियमकायदे गढ  रखे हैं। णान की तरह ही खूबसूरती देखना, खूबसूरत सुनना, खूबसूरत सोचना सभी की तो मनाही रही है औरत के लिए। इस खूबसूरती के रूबरू होने के लिए उसे 'आपहुदरी*, 'स्वेच्छाचारी* औरत बनना ही होगा, अन्यथा उसे बिसूरने के अलावा कुछ हाथ नहीं लगने वाला।
तसलीमा नसरीन के शद्बों मेंङ्क''इन्सान अगर खुद को ही नहीं पहचाने, तो वह किसको पहचानेगा?**
इसलिए जरूरी है स्त्राी खुद को पहचाने। वह केवल खुद को पहचाने ही नहींङ्कमेरा मानना है वह खुद को भी प्यार करे। यदि वह खुद को प्यार नहीं करेगी तो कौन करेगा उससे प्यार? कब खड ी हो सकेगी वह सर ऊंचा उठा कर? इसके लिए जरूरी है कि वह स्वच्छन्द होङ्कस्वेच्छाचारी हो, पंजाबी में कहूँ तो 'आपहुदरी* हो।
वह दूसरों के फैसलों पर नहींङ्कअपने फैसलों पर आचरण करे!

सच का दस्ता वेज

'मल- मूत्र ढोता भारत विचार की कसोटी पर' पुस्तक  का  लोकार्पण करती,  एस . एस  नूर, विमल थोरात , रमणिका गुप्ता,  अनीता भारती, राजेंद्र यादव एवं मैत्री पुष्पा. ( बाए से )








सच का दस्ता वेज


'मल -मूत्र ढोता भारत: विचार की  कसोटी पर' एक दर्पण है हमारे समाज की जो उस सच को बयान करता है जिसे सदियों से हम आँख चुराते है और गलत ढंग से लोगो के बीच रख ते है! ये ना केवल भारत के उन तमाम शोसितो की दर्द की आवाज है बल्कि उनके इनके  हल के जिम्मेदार कारणों को भी शोध लेखो के माध्यम से उजागर किया गया है ! 'मल - मूत्र ढोता भारत: विचार की कसोटी पर' केवल लेखों का संग्रह नहीं बल्कि तथ्यों के साथ प्रस्तुत एक शोध है. रमणिका फौन्डेशन का यह एक और कदम है दलितों और सोशितो की आवाज को मजबूत करने का.



                                                               उमा साह

विमर्श पुरुषों के प्रति बेवफाई का भला क्या मतलब?

अगर किसी महिला लेखिका ने आत्मकथा लिखी, तो उसे चरित्राहीन बताने की होड. लग जाती है। जबकि महात्मा गांधी ने भी अपनी आत्मकथा लिखी, सच बोला, लेकिन गांधी को तो किसी ने अद्गलील नहीं कहा। जबकि औरतें अगर अपनी जिंदगी का सच लोगों के सामने लाती हैं, तो पूरा समाज टूट पड ता है। आज भी पुरूच्च महिलाओं को भोग की वस्तु ही समझता है। लेकिन जब एक ऊंचे जिम्मेदारी के पद पर बैठा व्यङ्कित भी इस तरह की बातें करता है, तो ये सचमुच शर्मनाक स्थिति है। माफी मांगना तो महज एक दिखावा है नौकरी बचाने के लिए। दरअसल मानसिकता बदलनी चाहिए। हम प्रगतिशील सोच वाले साहित्यकारों को लेकर राष्ट्रपति से मिलने जाएंगे और उनसें आग्रह करेंगे कि ऐसे सामंतवादी सोच वाले लोगों को गरिमायुङ्कत पदों पर रहने का कोई अधिकार नहीं। ऐसे लोगों के कारण छात्राों की मानसिकता पर भी गहरा प्रभाव पड ेगा कल वे पीएचडी, शोध करेंगे, तो उन्हें विषयचयन में भी इस तरह के सोच का असर पड ेगा। यह समाज की अभिव्यङ्कित की स्वतंत्राता के लिए एक बड े खतरे की तरह है। पुरुष और स्त्राी को अपनी दिशा खुद तय करनी है। पुराना समाज अब नहीं रहा। सहजीवन का अधिकार देश के सर्वोच्च न्यायालय ने भी आमलोगों को दिया है। स्त्राी, पुरुष दोनों को अपनेअपने देह पर अधिकार है। वैश्यावॐत्तिा के लिए पुरुष स्त्राी के पास जाता है। उनको दरकार पड.ती है महिलाओं के देह को किराए पर लेने की। फिर पुरुष को सजा मिलनी
चाहिए या पेट पालने के लिए देह बेचती महिला को। स्त्राी अगर प्रेम करे तो कुलटा कहा जाता है। बिस्तर बदले, तो उसके लिए मर्द भी तो उतना ही दोषी है। अभी एक लड की वहां से मेरे पास आई जो आदिवासियों पर शोध करना चाहती थी। ङ्कयों नहीं करने देते ऐसे विषयों पर शोध? रवींद्र कालिया जी संपादक होने के नाते विभूति नारायण राय के साक्षात्कार को संपादित कर सकते थे। लेकिन इसके कारण पत्रिाका बिकती है, तो भला संपादित करने की जहमत ङ्कयों उठाई जाए? कॉमर्शियल प्रवॐत्तिा ही हावी हो तो सिद्घान्तों की बाते कौन करे? मुझे तो लगता है बेवफाई शद्ब ही विवादास्पद है। बेवफा शद्ब ही विवादास्पद है। बेवफा शद्ब पुरुष का गढ ा हुआ शद्ब है। अगर देश के प्रति बेवफाई करे तो इसे गद्‌दारी कहेंगे। लेकिन पुरुषों के प्रति बेवफाई का भला ङ्कया मतलब? ऐसे लोगों को तो कतई ऐसे पदों पर नहीं रहना चाहिए। नैतिकता होती तो खुद इस्तीफा दे देना चाहिए था। अब तो बहुत सारे पुरूच्च साहित्यकार भी धरनाप्रदर्शन में साथ जाने लगे है। उम्मीद है कि ममता कालिया भी लेखिका होने के नाते व्यवहार करेंगी, पत्नी के नाते नहीं। हमारे साथ बहुत से साहित्यकार राच्च्ट्रपति से मिलने जाएंगे और अपने विरोध से उन्हें अवगत कराएंगे।

                                        

८ अगस्त देशबन्धु, अखबार में एक साक्षात्कार

घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्


घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्

घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्ज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅ

घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्ज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅ

घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्ज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅ

घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्ज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅ

घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्ज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅ

घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्ज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅ

घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्ज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅ

घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्ज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅ

घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्ज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅ

घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्ज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅ

घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्ज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅ

घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्ज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅ

घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्ज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅज्ॅ

घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्

घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्घ्

The rise of 'Dalit lit' marks a new chapter for India's untouchables

The rise of 'Dalit lit' marks a new chapter for India's untouchables

As caste divides fade, a fresh crop of writers is emerging

By Andrew Buncombe in Delhi

Wednesday, 30 June 2010

Interview with ramnika rupta on dalit writer and publishers in India


A key figure in the emergence of low-caste writing is Ramnika Gupta. She is not a Dalit but she produces a quarterly magazine, Yuddhrat Aam Aadmi, devoted to previously marginalized writers. She estimates that she and her team of just three full-time assistants have published around 1,500 Dalit writers from across India over the last two decades. Large publishers regularly go to her for information about new talent. She helps on the condition that the publishers agree to produce a paperback edition that is affordable for ordinary people, in addition to the standard hardback run.

In the first-floor drawing room of her home, which also serves as her office, she noted that Dalit writers never lacked subject material. The highly influential writer and Dalit leader, B R Ambedkar, she explained, had said it was essential that low-caste people had their own literature and that they wrote about their own lives.

Mrs Gupta, who has herself written dozens of books on Dalit and tribal people's issues, said of the caste system: "India's culture discriminates. It's a state of exploitation. Everyone thinks 'He is lower than me' or 'I'm superior'. What we are trying to say is that we are all equal and if anyone is weak, we can help them to rise."

Dalit writers say the emergence of low-caste literature has taken place alongside a broader growth of consciousness and activism, particularly in urban India. While in rural India, caste remains all-pervading, in cities many of the signs and signals that identify a person's caste have vanished. In cities, too, Dalits are better organised to stand up for their rights.

A stage in our name

ramnika gupta

By: Moushumi Basu

A translation movement seeks to bring the experience of Adivasi and Dalit writers to the attention of a larger readership.

Karen Haydock

Should Adivasi and Dalit literature be considered a separate genre in India? Beyond the merits of this ongoing debate, the question itself would today undoubtedly remain largely impossible even to pose had it not been for the work of 80-year-old Ramnika Gupta and her Ramnika Foundation, from Jharkhand. For decades now, she has worked to publicise the voices of hundreds of Adivasi and Dalit writers from across India. Not only were many of these writers previously unheard of outside of their communities, but with help from the Foundation’s All India Tribal Literary Forum (AITLF), many have received nationwide recognition and even accolades. Among others, these have included Mangal Singh Hazowari, the noted Bodo poet and writer; Yeshe Dorjee Thongchi, from the Sherdukpen tribe in Arunachal Pradesh; and Jadumani Besra, the Santhali author who writes in the Oriya script. Each of these has in recent years won the prestigious Sahitya Akademi Award, conferred by India’s National Academy of Letters.

Set up in 2002, AITLF and the Ramnika Foundation have assisted in the publication of works in some 27 Adivasi languages, including Mizo, Chakma, Koke Boroke, Khasi, Jaintia, Garo, Bhilodi, Mundari, Ho, Kurukh, Kharia, Santhali and others. Given her long experience (in addition to her activist work, she has authored close to 70 books), when Ramnika Gupta is today asked to explain why Adivasi and Dalit literature needs special recognition, she translates a few lines of poetry in response. This particular selection comes from “Stage”, written in a Bhil dialect by Vahru Sonawane, a revolutionary Maharashtrian Adivasi poet and also the AITLF’s general-secretary:

We never went on the stage that was made in our name
They did not invite us
They pointed with their finger
And showed us our place
We sat there
They appreciated us
They were narrating to us
Our own vows and sorrows
Which were ours and never theirs
We had some doubts
We murmured
They heard us attentively and sighed
They twisted our ears and said –
Apologise … or you will be…

“It is for this reason that tribal literature is required,” she concludes, suggesting that Adivasis have for too long only had others write about them, rather than being able to write about their own experience and situations. The idea has thus been to develop an Adivasi leadership that can allow for these disparate communities to speak for themselves, but also to give them a common unifying social, political, linguistic and literary platform. The end goal is to change both external and internal attitudes towards Adivasis, and to enable them to overcome an age-old sense of inferiority. This is “a tribal literature that encapsulates a history of three to four thousand years,” says Gupta. “A wonderful diversity from an abundance of communities, composed in 90 languages that don’t exist anywhere else in the world.”

A window and connection
A key component of this has been the publication of a quarterly journal, Yudhrat Aam Aadmi, which over the past several years has become an important gateway of expression for Adivasi and Dalit writers throughout India. Today, every issue of Yudhrat Aam Aadmi is replete with poems, stories, lyrics and other literary forms from writers and poets representing a huge section of India, from the Northeast to Punjab to Tamil Nadu. A typical issue is a bit over 100 pages, of which the four general issues every year are buttressed by two subject-based special issues. The latest special issue, for instance, deals with excrement carriers, while others have focused on the process of printing, Adivasi communities of the Northeast, and tales of valour and revolt. Such special issues typically run upwards of 300 pages.

Yudhrat Aam Aadmi is not the only publication of its kind. A group called Katha, based in Delhi, also publishes Adivasi literature, particularly from the Northeast, in English translations. However, Adivasi literature is not its sole focus. The same can be said with regard to Dalit literature: while there is a significant amount of such works being published in India today, there are still only a handful of organisations focusing exclusively on Dalit literature. The Ramnika Foundation, on the other hand, is the only publisher in the country today not only placing such focus on Adivasi literature from throughout the country, but also translating these into Hindi.

By publishing pieces both in their original languages in the Devanagari script and in Hindi translations, the magazine has brought such works, along with their authors, into the national limelight. The Hindi translations, Gupta says, “provide a window to the writers, allowing for interaction between the [mainstream] and the various tribal languages of India.” In this way, the priority for the journal, for the foundation and for Gupta herself remains grounded in the political, rather than the aesthetic: to sustain and transform Adivasi and Dalit literature into an empowering tool that can be used to pressure the government into changing certain policies. Changes have been called for in terms of development policies causing displacement and migration, mother-tongue education and related changes of curriculum, and the introduction of Adivasi and Dalit literature.

“This literature does not have the conventional aesthetic but it is grounded in reality, speaks of life,” Gupta said. This is the real voice of the marginalised, she emphasises – “their struggle, their pain and anguish, which has been penned by they themselves, as they see it.” The public response to the publication of this material has over the past decade been overwhelming. Copies of Yudhrat Aam Aadmi consistently sell out, and have been widely incorporated as reference material for research work on Dalit and Adivasi literature. The public response has prompted Gupta and her staff to start bringing out bound compilations of works that they had published. Dalit Chetna: Kavita, for instance, published in 1995-96, included a collection of more than 40 poems; Dalit Chetna: Kahani showcased 28 short-story writers, and Dalit Chetna: Soch highlighted 29 more writers, works of literature, history and social disparity.

AITLF has since decided to concentrate for a bit on Dalit Telegu writers, followed by additional focuses on fostering women writers, then Adivasi and Dalit talent in Gujarat, Punjab, Rajasthan, Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu. “For the first time, we have brought out a collection of 400 Dalit and tribal writers,” Gupta says. Their initiatives eventually led Indira Gandhi National Open University to start planning for postgraduate classes on Dalit literature, which are scheduled to begin in the near future. Similarly the government of Uttar Pradesh has introduced Dalit literature into many of the state’s schools and colleges; while Ranchi University has taught five Adivasi languages – Mundari, Kudux, Santhali, Kharia and Ho – for a decade now.

A significant priority for the AITLF programmes has been the Adivasi communities of the Northeast. The first special issue of Yudhrat Aam Aadmi, for instance, included 13 languages of the Northeast (including Bodo, Mizo, Khasi, Jaintia, Dimasa and Lepcha, among others), in addition to offering a directory of more than 100 Northeast writers. Several conferences have taken place, including the first major Adivasi literary conference, in New Delhi in June 2002. The Ramnika Foundation has also set up an annual award to find and name exceptional creative writers in particularly remote areas. In the past, this exposed to the national stage writers such as Nirmala Putul from Jharkhand, who later went on to receive the Kendriya Hindi Sansthan Award for her powerful Santhali-language works.
Putul’s writings are known for being candid regarding the problems of the Santhali tribe. She not only writes of the exploitation and struggles of her community, but also tries to rectify some of these through her writings. Equally bold and powerful are her outpourings on women’s issues, as in this Santhali poem (Hindi translation below):

Tumhaare haathon par bane pattal par bharte hain pet hazaron,
par hazaron pattal bhar nahi paate tumhare pet …
Jin Gharon ke liye banaati ho tum jhaaru,
unhi se aate hain kachre tumhaare bastion mein…

Your handmade leaf plates are used to feed thousands of bellies,
but these thousands of leaf plates cannot fill your own bellies…
The very homes that you make brooms for
are the ones that bring filth to your doors…

Putul says that her inclusion in Yudhrat Aam Aadmi was a turning point for her writing. “My joy knew no bounds when my first collection of poetry saw the light of day in YAA,” says. “The platform shall remain a guiding light in my life, exposing my work to the outside world, which later fetched me recognition.”

Drops of reality
During this year’s awards ceremony, in January in Ranchi, the foundation recognised 12 Adivasi authors from across the country for their contributions to preserving marginalised languages. These included, among others, Bijoya Sawian for her writings in Khasi; V P Verma Pathik for his contributions to Aravali Udghosh, a publication connecting Hindi and Adivasi literature; Krishna Chandra Tuddu, for his prolific writing in Santhali; and Pragya Daya Pawar, whose Marathi poetry, plays and criticism have long highlighted Dalit and Adivasi issues. Also recognised were Anamika and Sushila Takbhore, for their writings on women; Abhay Mourya and Bibhuti Narayan Rai, for their work on communal harmony and communism; and Dwarka Bharati and Y C P Venkata Reddy for their translation work on Adivasi literature.

Bhagwan Das, long a leading Dalit intellectual with some 20 books to his name on untouchability, human scavengers, human rights and social disparity, was awarded the Birsa Munda Samman. “Main Bhangi Hoon” (I am a scavenger) is amongst his best-known works, offering what is still an astonishingly vivid portrayal of the harsh realities of his community, aglow with his wrath against centuries of social oppression. “Yes, my family name is Bhangi,” he wrote in Hindi. “Today, I want to narrate my story. My story in my words. Who would have narrated, nobody ever wrote anything about us. We are on the last rung of the social ladder – dustbins, where the filth and dirt are disposed.” At the awards ceremony, he said: “The Foundation has instilled confidence amongst the Dalits and tribals. They take pride in their culture and language – this is the Foundation’s biggest contribution.”
Sushila Takbhore was also honoured with the Savitribai Phule Samman. Known for her strong Dalit and feminist writings, she addressed the function with a recitation of one of her poems, “Gaali” (Abuse), which translated from the Hindi reads:

In the name of loyalty
one may call himself a dog
but not a bitch
the very utterance of the word makes it appear as an abuse.
Is it because it belongs to the feminine gender?

Also at the ceremony, Rajendra Yadav, the eminent Hindi writer and chairperson of the Ramnika Foundation, reminded the audience that communities in Mizoram, Nagaland, Arunachal Pradesh and elsewhere in the Northeast are continuing to battle for their cultural and linguistic identities. For much of the public, he said, ‘the Northeast’ today simply means Assam. “But how many of us are aware that even Assam has 15 different tribal languages?” he asked. “And their viewpoints and creations are so compelling that they can really stir up one’s thinking.” Examples of what Yadav is referring to include the strong matrilineal society as depicted by the Khasi writer Bijoya Sawian, or her references to how a groom man comes to stay in the house of the bride; or the writings of Chamulal Rathawa, from the Rathawa tribe of Gujarat, on how “no child is called illegal, child and mother are cared for by the community, while the child gets the name of the father, his marriage to the mother depending upon the wish of the latter”; or simply the general collective way of life for most Adivasi communities, how the concept of individual possession almost does not exist. Each of these offers something to be learned from by mainstream readers.

At the event, it was also noted that as of 2002 there were 146 Santhali and other Adivasi-language magazines registered in Jharkhand alone. Altogether, there are thought to be some six million speakers of Santhali (which in addition to Jharkhand is spoken in Orissa, Bihar, West Bengal and Chhattisgarh), yet for years the language was not included in the Indian Constitution’s Eighth Schedule, which lists the country’s accepted ‘national’ languages. Yet since 2002 the number of Santhali publications increased significantly, with writers and activists using these magazines to develop their written literature as part of the larger struggle. In 2003, Santhali was finally included in the Eighth Schedule, which means that the tongue can now be taught in school. This can now potentially help Adivasi children in terms of both self-confidence and the later ability to get a job, including due to the need for a new generation of teachers fluent in certain languages, as well as obligatory government appointees, and the like.

Yet the current success on the part of activists in keeping Santhali alive is not one that is shared by other marginalised languages in India, including Ho, Kharia, Mundari (in Jharkhand), Bhilodi (in Maharashtra), Gondi, (in Chhattisgarh, Maharashtra and Karnataka), Dimasa and Karbi (in Assam), Kandha, Sora, Kui and Kamar (in Orissa). Indeed, these are just a few of those currently fighting for official recognition. This, Rajendra Yadav said, is to the detriment of the country as a whole. He emphasised that each of these languages, and their accompanying literature, when it exists, is instrumental in tracing the roots of the civilisations of the Subcontinent. “Each of these languages, which could not flourish beyond their speakers’ areas due to lack of scope for wider use on the national level, is endowed with vital potential to add something to national integration,” Yadav said, “like drops of water, however small, augment the surface of rivers and streams.”

It is important to note that many of these languages survived because of the oral tradition at a time when they had no script; now, there is more scope for their continuation because of the rise of literacy. As such, many languages will never die until the speakers abandon them, but continued efforts at cowing down the Adivasi languages by the mainstream will inevitably hasten this. According to Ramnika Gupta, “A rivulet has its own identity for the period it flows from the mountain to the sea. To make the sea rich, the identity of rivulets cannot be abolished. Let them flow without any boundaries around them for the benefit of the people around, enabling them to express better.”

Today, many of these languages are endangered because of government policies, particularly in education, as well by as the constant external cultural assault brought about by television, films and the ubiquity of media of all kinds in the ‘mainstream’ languages. “There are more than 500 tribes in India,” says Gupta. “Of these, 75 such groups live outside the Northeast and, barring a few, nearly all of them have either lost their language already or are on the verge of it. In most cases, these have been subsumed by the language of the majority.” Even in the twilight of her life, Gupta is far from complacent about the situation. “No country in the world has such a multilingual literature as ours,” she says, “there are 600 tribal languages in the country and only 90 languages have so far been written in – our forum aims to scout for talent in every nook and cranny of the country.”

Moushumi Basu is a journalist based in Ranchi, Jharkhand.

Intermeter of maladies

For 80-year-old Ramnika Gupta from Jharkhand, allowing voices to be heard that are rarely heard and yet have a lot to say, has resulted in a mission to hunt out and publish the works of tribal and dalit writers.

Thanks to her efforts over the years, several collections of dalit and tribal poetry, short stories, and books have been published. The magazine she founded Yudhrat Aam Admi has featured the works of many tribal and dalit writers. The All India Tribal Literary Forum, also her baby, is one of very few forums for tribal literature. And the Ramnika Foundation works for the emancipation of the underprivileged in several areas -- from education to legal assistance, research, cultural preservation and material assistance.

Is it really necessary to have a separate dalit/tribal genre of literature? Ramnika Gupta’s answer is to quote from a poem by Vahru Sonwane, a tribal poet of Maharashtra:

We never went on stage that was made in our name,

They did not invite us They pointed with their finger And showed us our place We sat there They appreciated us They were narrating to us Our own vows and sorrows Which were ours and never theirs We had some doubts We murmured They heard us attentively and sighed They twisted our ears and said- Apologise... or you will be...” “It is for this reason that tribal and dalit literature is required,” Gupta says. But the two literatures are very different. The dalits are landless and do not have their own language. Their literature is written in Hindi and other languages. They are victims of caste oppression and untouchability even today and hence have not developed self-respect; many are still engaged in occupations considered unclean. “They belong to the pancham varg of society, where the so-called upper castes do not take water from their hands,” Gupta says.

The adivasis or tribals, on the other hand, belonged to the forests which began to be taken away from them following British rule. Tribal-inhabited lands are rich in minerals so the pressing issues confronting them today are displacement and migration in search of livelihood. They have a rich language and culture, but today their very identity and existence are in peril.

Gupta says there are 90 known tribal languages in the country, of which she has been able to document 27 so far. “A literature that encapsulates a history of at least 3-4,000 years, a wonderful diversity with abundance of communities, and which is composed in 90 languages doesn’t exist anywhere else in the world – neither in American Black literature, nor Australian nor Negroid. It is a unique chapter in the history of world literature,” she says.

Though this multi-lingual tribal literature has been preserved through an oral tradition for 5,000 years, the written form of tribal literature is barely 100-125 years old, starting with the script of the regional language of the area. Christian missionaries who came to the tribal states took an interest in learning the language and began documenting tribal culture and history in English.

Gupta emphasises language because the language revolution can be really powerful in fighting the tyranny of the ruling class.

“Our main aim and agenda is to generate the socio-cultural forces that are necessary for bringing about an attitudinal change in people’s outlook to the victims of socio-cultural injustice, especially tribals, dalits and even women. For this, it is very essential that victims of injustice, exploitation and discrimination come forward and assert their voice in unison. To do this it is also essential that they shake off the inferiority complex they have developed over centuries of suppression and subjugation. It is also necessary that they fight for their self-respect and identity,” Gupta says.

The need to focus on indigenous literature, Gupta says, is “because we wanted to stop the prevalent practice of non-tribals speaking, writing and representing them, without caring what the tribals actually want, think, dream or plan. So we started a reverse process, ie the victims of injustice and discrimination should speak for themselves and assert what type of change they want to promote. Their literature may not have the conventional aesthetics, but it is grounded in reality, it is their voice, their struggle, their pain and anguish that are penned by them, as they see it.”

Tribal literature has always existed as an oral tradition, but when it is written down, the culture is documented, the history and trends are recorded and it is not lost, infiltrated, and imposed on by outsiders, Gupta explains.

“I got a chance to interact with a large cross-section of downtrodden society (dalits). I began collecting their works; their writings were stark depictions of their struggles, the pathos of discrimination, the trials and tribulations of their life. This led to the birth of the magazine Yudhrat Aam Admi in 1986,” Gupta says, describing the genesis of her interest.

RAMNIKA GUPTA

In 1997, she formed the Ramnika Foundation which promoted, among other things, the literature of dalits. In 2002, the All India Tribal Literary Forum (AITLF) was formed with Dr Ram Dayal Munda, Sangeet Natak Academy awardwinner and eminent academician from Jharkhand, as president. AITLF has since been holding regular conferences across the country to mobilise tribal and dalit writers and collect their works, many of which are published in Yudhrat Aam Admi.

This quarterly magazine has become a gateway of expression for numerous tribal and dalit writers across the country. It publishes work in the original language and in Hindi translation, thus bringing a subaltern literature into the national limelight. Poems, stories, lyrics, novels and other literary forms from writers and poets of the north-eastern states, Jharkhand, Punjab, Gujarat, Maharashtra, Andhra, Tamil Nadu and other states, get exposure and are themselves exposed to outside critique.

The conferences organised by AILTF not only take these little-known writings into the outside world, they also discuss important tribal and dalit issues. These include a clearly drawn up 12-point agenda which includes highlighting the unjust development policies of the government which cause displacement and migration; denigration of tribal scriptures by mainstream languages; education in the mothertongue; change of curriculum in schools and colleges and introduction of tribal and dalit literature.

Yudhrat Aam Admi’s print-run of 2,500 is quickly sold out. The translations into Hindi are done by Gupta’s friends including Akil Quis and Pramila Garg of Jawaharlal Nehru University, and by Gupta herself. Often the authors do a basic translation in Hindi or English, which is then perfected by professionals such as Suresh Sahil and Madan Kashyap.

The material published in Yudhrat Aam Admi is now considered basic reference material for research work on dalit and tribal literature, which is carried out by several universities in the country such as Ranchi University, in Jharkhand, Cochin University in Kerala, Nagpur University, Central University and Osmania University in Hyderabad, and Arunachal University.

The excellent response to the magazine emboldened Gupta to compile the writings and publish them as books: Dalit Chetna is a collection of 41 poems, Chetna Kahani showcases the literary talent of 28 writers. Dalit Chetna Soch and Dalit Chetna Sahitya followed.

The AITLF has concentrated on different languages and language centres. Thus there is the Telegu Sahitya Me Dalit Dastak and the Gujarati Sahitya Me Dalit Kadam etc.

Four hundred dalit and tribal writers have been featured in a series of special issues between 1995 and 2000, surely a first of its kind.

“Our success story inspired the Indira Gandhi National Open University to start a post-graduate course in Dalit Literature,” Gupta says. Equally successful were the endeavours of the forum in the north-eastern states. A special issue on the North-East, ‘Purvottar Ka Adivasi Swar – Vichar Khand’, showcased the work of 60 writers in 13 languages of the region. A directory of 105 writers from the north-eastern states has been published in two volumes.

In 2002, the Sahitya Akademi joined hands with AITLF to host the first major tribal literary conference in New Delhi. This was followed by conferences in association with Kannad University in Tami Nadu, the Vinoba Bhave University, Hazaribagh, and others across the country.

“These writers across the country need to be honoured and felicitated for their work,” Gupta points out. To this end, the Ramnika Foundation Samman selects writers from the remote hinterlands and awards them for their creative writing. In this way new talent has been unearthed -- Nirmala Putul from Jharkhand went on to bag the Kendriya Hindi Sansthan Award, and the National Youth Award besides the Bharat Adivasi Samman award given by the Ramnika Foundation in collaboration with the National Book Trust in 2005, for her powerful Santhali writing.

In Nagare Ki Tarah Bajte Hain Shabad (Words Resound Like Drums), a collection of poems, Putul counterpoises her tribal world with the 'developed' and modern world. Her poetry questions the whole notion of 'development' and 'progress' in modern civilisation. Her poetry is very musical and full of imagery drawn from nature. They describe the agony of being belittled by an ‘educated’ and ‘cultured’ society and the consequent feeling of helplessness. Her poetry compels the reader to empathise with the angst of a dying ethnic group.

This year, the Ramnika Foundation in association with AITLF honoured 12 tribal artistes from across the country in the state capital of Jharkhand.

Among those honoured was Vijoya Sawiyan, a noted writer in Khasi and English. Her stories are about the life and culture of the Khasis of the northeast. The Family Secret and Other Stories is a collection of 11 short stories about contemporary life amongst the Khasis of Meghalaya. She is currently working on a novel, Men in the Shadows, based on the present situation in the turbulent northeast. Her other published works include three books of translations from Khasi into English -- The Teachings of Elders, Popular Khasi Folk Tales and About One.

Vahru Sonwane is the first modern poet from the Bhil community of Maharashtra. His poems depict the hunger, pathos and struggle of Bhil society. His collection of poems Godhar which has been translated into Hindi is a window into the trials and tribulations of his community.

Bhagwan Das, a lawyer by profession, was born into a dalit family in Himachal Pradesh. He has written 20 books revolving mainly around untouchability, human scavengers, human rights, and social disparity. ‘Main Bhangi Hoon’ (I Am a Scavenger), amongst his best works, is a vivid portrayal of the harsh realities of his community, aglow with his wrath against centuries of social oppression:

“Yes, my family name is Bhangi,” he wrote in Hindi. “Today, I want to narrate my story. My story in my words. Who would have narrated it? Nobody ever wrote anything about us. We are on the last rung of the social ladder – dustbins, where the filth and dirt are disposed.”

“The Foundation has instilled confidence in dalits and tribals,” Bhagwan Das says. “They take pride in their culture and language – this is the Foundation’s biggest contribution.” He has been awarded the Birsa Munda Samman by the Ramnika Foundation this year.

Sushila Takbhore was honoured with the Savitri Bai Phule Samman this year. One of her poems, Gaali (abuse), translated into Hindi, reads:

“Vafa ke naam par, apne aap ko ek kutta kaha ja sakta hai…magar kutia nahi, kutia shabd sunkar hi lagta hai, yah ek gaali hai… kya isliye ki wah stri varg me aata hai…?”

(In the name of loyalty, one may call himself a dog… but not a bitch… the very utterance of the word makes it appear as an abuse… is it because it belongs to the feminine race..?)

Ramnika Gupta’s empathy with the downtrodden began early. “I have been a rebel since my childhood and began to write from the age of 14, when I penned my first poems,” she recalls. “I questioned untouchability and the existence of God, defying the prevalent traditions and customs, particularly on gender and caste.”

Her first book, Geet-Ageet, (1962) is a collection of poetry on the Chinese aggression in the 1960s, nature, love, and patriotism. She began her career as a trade union leader, forming the Koyla Sramik Sangh in 1969 in the coal-belts of south Bihar (now Jharkhand), initially affiliated to Hind Mazdoor Panchayat, and later Hind Mazdoor Sabha. She fought for the cause of coal workers, braving attacks from the private mine owners and contractors, particularly in the Hazaribagh region, during the pre-nationalisation era. She was the CPM’s candidate from Mandu in the 1979 assembly polls, and won.

However she drifted away from politics after she suffered a heart attack in 1987. Also the changing political values made it difficult for her to work and gradually she came closer to the literary world. An ace writer herself, she has 67 books to her credit and is the recipient of the Ganesh Shankar Vidyarthi Award.

Her literary institution is run largely with the support of her children who are settled in the United States and Canada. Her pension of Rs 12,000, and Rs 100,000 free travel that she gets as part of her entitlements as a former MLA, are used for the cause.

Yet, in the twilight of her life, Ramnika Gupta is far from satisfied with her considerable achievements. “There are 600 tribal languages in our country of which only 90 languages have so far been written down. Our Forum aims to scout for more talent from the nooks and corners of the country,” says the indefatigable chronicler of marginal cultures.

By Moushumi Basu , a freelance journalist based in Jharkhand

औरतें : जो सपनों में ही जीती हैं

आज बाजारवाद का युग है। यह सर्वविदित है कि स्त्रियों का शोषण बाजार भी करता है। आजकल अधिकांश विज्ञापन  स्त्री-केन्द्रित होते हैं । स्त्री की कोमलता, उसका गोरापन, उसकी नजाकत व नाजुक देहयष्टि को तरहतरह के मालों समानो का प्रतीक बनाकर अखबारों, रेडियो व टेलीविजन चैनलों पर बेचा जाता है। मोटापा किसी के लिए भी ठीक नहीं, लेकिन मोटेपन से निजात पाने हेतु जिस स्त्री की तस्वीर टेलीविजन व अखबार में तुलनात्मक ढंग से पेश की जाती है, वह जरूर ३६ .२४ . ३६ की ही होती है। कमर पतली! बस! ऐसी स्त्रियाँ  सामान का प्रतीक बन कर प्रस्तुत की जाती हैं।

घर में रहने वाली स्त्री  सुघढ.  देहयष्टि को लेकर दिन भर अपने परिवार, समाज की जिम्मेदारियां निभाती है, पर समाज की सौंदर्य कसौटी, जो पुरुषों ने ही स्त्रियों के लिए निधार्रित की है पर खरा उतरने के चक्कर  में वह अपनी देह को निकम्मा भी बना लेती हैं। मुझे अपनी भाई की बेटी का किस्सा याद है, जिसने डायटिंग करते करते ऐसी बीमारी सहेज ली कि वह चलने फिरने के काबिल भी नहीं रही। पति गोरा था वह सांवली थी, हॉलांकि सुंदर थीसुडौल , सुघड , कसी कसी देह वाली चुस्त दुरुस्त लडकी थी! पति के लिए नाज़ुक , नफीज़  बनने के चक्कर में पड गई और बीमार हो गई।


                         बाजार से प्रभावित फैशनपरस्त, माडल अथवा सेलीब्रेटी स्त्रियाँ

बाजारवाद से स्त्रियाँ स्वंय भी इतनी प्रभावित हो जाती हैं कि पुरुषवाद के षड.यंत्र को न समझने के कारण, वे केवल पुरुष की नजरों में सराहनीय बनने वाली गुडिया बन कर रह जाती हैं। दरअसल ऐसी स्त्रियों पर सदैव पुरुष की कसौटी पर खरा उतरने का दवाब आतंक की हद तक छा जाता है। विज्ञापन  का चक्कर और पुरुष निर्धारित सौन्दर्य की कसौटी उन्हें किस हद तक ले जाती है इसका ज्वलंत उदाहरण है, ६ दिसम्बर २००९ के जनसत्ता में छपी एक खबर है। खबर थी कि एक स्त्री की , जो कभी १८ वर्ष की आयु में ही विश्व सुंदरी घोषित हो चुकी थी, ने ३४ वर्ष की आयु होने पर पुरुष निर्धारित सौंदर्य की कसौटी ३६. २४. ३६ के आधार पर अपने शरीर को प्लास्टिक सर्जरी के लिए सौंप दिया और मर गई। इस भटकाव से मुक्ति  भी आवश्यक है। ऐसी स्त्रियाँ भी कभी कभी स्त्री मुक्ति  की मुहिम की बाधक बन जाती हैं।
ये स्त्रियाँ भी हजारों में एक बनने का सपना पालती हैं और उसे साकार करतीं है। शुरू में बाजार उनका उपयोग करता हैङ्कलेकिन शिखर पर पहुंचने पर ये स्त्रिांया बाजार का उपयोग करने लगती हैं और बाजार को अपना उपयोग करने नहीं देती।


ऐसे हजारों में एक का आभास पैदा करने की भावना पुरुषों में भी व्याप्त होती है। इसे यश प्राप्ति की ग्रन्थि से जोड़ा  जा सकता है, लेकिन मेरा मानना है कि स्त्री के संदर्भ में हजारों में एक होने की कसौटी, स्त्री अपनी नज़र अपनी सुविधा व जरूरत के अनुसार तय करे, न कि पुरुष व पुरुषों के नजरों में अच्छी लगने के लिए। वह एकट्रेस बने या मॉडल, यह निर्णय वह खुद ले। अपनी देह का इस्तेमाल होने दे या न होने दे अथवा उसे अपनी देह का इस्तेमाल कैसे करना है, इसका अधिकार केवल स्त्री को ही होना चाहिए।
यूं हजारों में एक बनने की लालसा या ललक वीरांगनाओं, लेखिकाओं राजनैतिक स्त्रियों, रंगमंच व फिल्मों की अभिनेत्रियों, बिजनेस टाइकूनों व समाज सेविकाओं या एक्ट्रेस में भी होती है लेकिन यह ललक वे अपनी कार्य कुशलता, निपुणता या लगन में होड. लगा कर हासिल करती हैं केवल रूप या पुरुष की तरह धन या बल से नहीं। दुर्भाग्य यह है स्त्री  होने के कारण उसकी हजारों में एक होने की लालसा या इच्छा को स्वार्थ या अनैतिक माना जाता है, लेकिन पुरुष पर यह कलंक नहीं लगता। जबकि सत्य यह है कि ऐसी लालसा या इच्छा, मानव स्वाभाव का एक अनिवार्य मनोवेग है। नैतिकता के दायरे में भी अभी तक यौन के संदर्भ में ही मनुष्य के चरित्रा को परखा जाता है विशेषकर स्त्री के चरित्र को, जबकि दुनियादारी, ईमानदारी, वफादारी, देशप्रेम, सत्यवादिता, संवेदनशीलता, सहयोगीप्रवृत्ति, रचनात्मक सोच व मानवीयता भी नैतिकता के दायरे में आते हैं। यौन या सेक्स  मानवीय प्रवृत्ति  है बाकी सब वे  गुण हैं, जिन्हें सभ्यता के विकास के दौरान मनुष्य ने अर्जित किया है। फिर चरित्र का दायरा केवल सेक्स वह भी केवल स्त्री की देह से जोड़ कर ही क्यों  देखा जाता है। उसे ही क्यों  प्रमुखता दी जाती है। दरअसल ये संकीर्ण व संकुचित सोच है।
                              
                                सांस्कृतिक मंचों फिल्मों, सोसाइटियों व ङ्कलबों की स्त्रियाँ

सांस्कृतिक स्तर पर मण्डल, फिल्म व रंगमंच अभिनेत्रियां अथवा सोशलाइटस जैसी कुछ ऐसी स्त्रियाँ भी होती हैं जो बाजारवाद से पूरी तरह प्रभावित होती हैं। वे खुद को बाजार के अनुकूल बनाकर, उससे लाभान्वित होती रहती हैं। ये स्त्रियाँ पुरुष और बाजार की दुनिया के बाहर निकल कर अपनी स्वतन्त्रा सत्ता  कायम नहीं कर पातीं, चूंकि बाजार पुरुषों पर आधारित है, उनकी अपनी एक दुनिया और सोसाइटी जरूर अलग से बन जाती है। वे सेलिब्रिटी बन जाती हैं। जनता उनकी फैन होती है, उनपर मुग्ध होती है। अपने ऐश्वर्य और प्रचुर धन के चलते साधारणतया वे जनता के सरोकारों से जुड. नहीं पातीं। (शबाना आजमी और कतिपय अपवाद छोड कर) समाज चाहकर भी अपनी वर्जनाएं उनपर लाद नहीं सकता। प्रायः मॉडल, फिल्म अभिनेत्रियां, सोशलाइट महिलाएं इसी श्रेणी में आती हैं। इसके बावजूद वे हतोत्साहित नहीं होतीं, भले वे बाजार से लाभ लेकर अपना विकास करती हैं। वे अलग से अपना व्यक्तित्व बनाती हैं। आराम से जीती हैं। वे व्यवहारिक होती हैं, व्यवहारकुशल भी और चतुर भी, मोहक भी। नैतिकता व सिद्घान्त अथवा सही गलत की परिभाषा को वे अपने अनुरूप लचीला बना कर इस्तेमाल करती हैं। फलतः एक स्थिति ऐसी आती है, जब समाज भी उन्हें स्वीकार कर आदर देने लगता है। नैतिकता की ग्रंथि उन्हें नहीं कचोटती। दरअसल समाज की स्मृति  भी कमजोर होती है और वह नैतिकता भी अपनी सुविधा अनुसार बदलता रहता है। जो लोग उसकी याददाश्त को भूलने और नैतिकता के ढीले होने की अवधि  को पार कर लेते हैं, उनका ये समाज कुछ भी नहीं बिगाड सकता। जो समाज से डरता है, समाज उन्हीको डराता है और सजा भी देता है ।


सुखद यह है कि बातबात पर नैतिकता की धौंस जमाने वाला तबका भी ऐसे वर्ग के सामने अपनी नैतिकता की गांठ ढीली करके देखने लगता है।

पिछले लेख का शेषांश ..............

                                                  मुक्त और स्वतन्त्र स्त्रियाँ

ऐसी भी  स्त्रियाँ हैं जो अपनी अस्मिता और स्वाभिमान के लिए चेतना प्राप्त हैं और वे अपने निर्णय खुद लेने की इच्छा रखती हैं, चाहे वे उनकी देह के बारे में हो या उनके रिश्तों, संबंधों, परिवेश के बारे में। वे स्वावलंबी बनकर आत्मनिर्भर होकर रहना चाहती हैं और अपनी कुव्वत पर समाज में अपना स्थान बनाने की तमन्ना रखती हैंङ्, किसी पर निर्भर या आधारित होकर नहीं। इसके लिए वे ज्ञान  भी अर्जित करती हैं और संघर्ष पर भी उतारू हो जाती हैं।
ऐसी स्त्रियाँ जो स्वतंत्र हो  चुकी हैं, अपनी देह, स्थिति व योग्यता से पूरी तरह अवगत होती हैं। वे अपने निर्णय भी खुद लेती हैं। वे महत्वाकांक्षी भी होती हैं और हर अवसर का फायदा उठाने में सक्षम भी। वे बिना अपराधबोध के मर्दों के साथ होड. लगा सकती हैं। वे अपनी मर्यादाएं खुद तय करती हैं, चाहे वे देह के संदर्भ में हों या परिवार के दायरों, रिश्तों की गरिमा, अथवा तथाकथित मर्यादा के संदर्भ में। वे देश के नागरिक होने की भूमिका निभाने में पीछे नहीं रहतीं। समाज के राजनैतिक, सामाजिक, आर्थिक, वैणानिक, तकनीकि व सांस्कृतिक  क्षेत्रों  में स्त्री ने प्रवेश करके यह सिद्घ कर दिया है कि वह सपने सच करने में सक्षम हैं। भले ऐसी स्त्रियों  की संख्या कम है लेकिन वे समाज के समक्ष एक आदर्श प्रस्तुत करने के साथ साथ समाज के लिए प्रेरणा का स्रोत भी होती हैं। कल्पना चावला हो या इंदिरा नुई अथवा लक्ष्मी सहगल या अनेकों ऐसी नाम अनाम योग्य, कुशल व बहादुर स्त्रियाँ, स्त्रियों की मुक्ति के रूप में हमारे सामने मौजूद हैं।

                                                    समाजसेवी स्त्रियाँ

प्रतिबद्घ समाजसेवी स्त्रियों का ऐसा एक वर्ग है, जो अपने क्षेत्रा में बड़े से बड़ा  त्याग करने को उद्यत रहता हैं। दरअसल उनकी सत्ता का स्रोत व आधार उनकी लगन, त्याग, क्षमता व जनता तथा जनता के सरोकारों से जुडाव  होता है। त्याग की अपनी भी एक शक्ति और सत्ता होती है, जिससे जनता का विश्वास अर्जित होता है। ऐसी  स्त्रियाँ  मानस बदल सकती हैं, दृष्टि  बदल सकती हैं और व्यवस्था में भी बदलाव ला सकती हैं। हॉलाँकि ऐसी स्त्रियों पर प्रायः यह आरोप लगता रहता है कि वे अपने घर-बार व समाज की परवाह नहीं करतीं। आरोप पर आरोप सहते हुए भी वे अपने मिशन के तहत आगे बढती जाती हैं। ऐसी स्त्रियाँ अपने जीवन में भले परिवार व संतान से उपेक्षित हों लेकिन वे समाज के लिए वरदान बन जाती हैं। यह जरूरी नहीं कि ऐसी स्त्रियाँ, स्त्री- मुक्ति  की झण्डाबरदार हों लेकिन वे घर की चौहद्दी पार कर, रूढियां और परम्परा छोड कर सामाजिक सरोकारों से जुड़ी होती हैं। इसलिए वे स्वतंत्र रूप से अपने बारे में निर्णय लेती हैं। वे स्त्री - पुरुष समानता में विश्वास रखती हैं। वे चकाचौंध से दूर अपने काम को अंजाम देती रहती हैं। समाज की कटु आलोचना या मीडिया की उपेक्षा अथवा प्रशंसा उन्हें न बाधित करती है, न विचलित और ना ही उत्साहित। अपने दायरे में ऐसी स्त्रियाँ बदलाव की वाहक बन जाती हैं, भले ही ये दायरा छोटा ही क्यों  न हो। दरअसल खोज इनकी होनी चाहिए।

                                      उद्योगघरानों व नौकरशाही में स्त्रियाँ

उद्योग घरानों में बिजनेस टाइकून व सफल नौकरशाह बनने की अभिलाषा पालने वाली स्त्रियाँ प्रबन्ध व व्यापार कुशल तो होती ही हैं, वे श्रम और ज्ञान को साधने में भी कोई कोर कसर नहीं छोड.तीं। अनुशासन भी उनका एक सूत्रीय  मन्त्र होता है। वे व्यवहारिक बनकर अपना अभीष्ट हासिल करती हैं। परिवार की उपेक्षा और कभीकभी कटाक्ष भी सहती हैं। पर वे न तो पीछे हटती हैं ना ही अपने कदम रोकती हैं। अपनी र्निधारित व्यावहारिक समझ व प्रबन्धकीय योग्यता के तहत वे बढती जाती हैं। अपने फैसले खुद लेती हैं और परिवार में भी हस्तक्षेप करने का साहस रखती हैं। भले वे मुक्ति का नारा नहीं देती हों लेकिन स्वयं को मुक्त मानती हैं।


                                                           राजनीति में स्त्रियाँ

राजनीति के क्षेत्र में आने की आकांक्षा पालने वाली स्त्रियों को बहुत ही अधिक प्रतिरोध सहना पड़ता  है। परिवार, संतान, समाज, सभी को त्याग कर, वे अपना स्थान या खेमा बनाती हैं। हालांकि वर्जनाएं उन्हें रोक नहीं सकतीं। ऐसी स्त्रियों को भी कभी कभी समझौता करने को मजबूर होना पडता है। ऐसी राजनैतिक स्त्री उस सही व माकूल समय का इन्तजार करती है, जब वह सारे अवरोधों को लांघकर शिखर पर पहुंच जाये और खुद ऐसी सत्ता हासिल कर लें कि जो उसे लांछित, हतोत्साहित या अनचाहे सम्बन्धों के लिए मजबूर करते हैं  उसे  वह खुद से रिजेक्ट  कर सके।
वह अपनी सत्ता का उपयोग किसके लिए करती है अपने या अपने परिवार के लिए या जन के लिए, जिसने उसे वह शक्ति दी  दी यह विवाद का विषय हो सकता है। लेकिन इसमें कोई शक नहीं कि शक्तिशाली  हो जाती हैं और अपने निर्णय खुद लेने ही नहीं लगतीं, दूसरों के लिए भी निर्णय करने की कुव्वत पैदा कर लेती है। शुरू में भले इन स्त्रियों को बदनामी की हर गली से गुजरना पड़े पर इनकी जिजिविषा, संघर्ष की शक्ति सहनशक्ति व धैर्य, राजनैतिक रणनीति, कार्यनीति व डिप्लोमेसी की समझ व थेथरपन की क्षमता अंततः इन्हे एक ऐसे मुकाम पर पहुँचा देती है कि शत्रु  भी उनका लोहा मानने लगता है और समर्थन श्रद्घा में बदल जाता है। वे अपने धैर्य, साहस व प्रतिबद्घता के चलते आदर की पात्र बन जाती हैं। प्रतिबद्घ राजनैतिक स्त्रियाँ त्याग में भी पीछे नहीं रहतीं।

हकीकत तो यह है कि समाज में मची प्रतिद्वंदिता  व प्रतिस्पर्धा की इस होड. में औरत को औरत समझ कर मदद करना भी प्रायः पसन्द नहीं किया जाता, खासकर ऐसी स्त्री का, जो प्रतिद्वन्द्वी बनने का सपना पालती हो या क्षमता रखती हो। ज्यादातर लोग, जिसमें स्त्रियाँ भी शामिल हैं, उसे लांछित ही करते रहते हैं। ऐसी स्त्रियाँ चाहे वे राजनीति के क्षेत्र में हों या समाजसेवा अथवा बिजनेस में, जब तक सेक्स  के मामले में अपराधबोध पालतीं रहती हैं उनका शोषण जारी रहता है। जब वे आत्मदया व अपराधबोध की ग्रन्थि को झटक देती हैं, तो वे अपनी देह का इस्तेमाल अपनी मरजी से करने में सक्षम हो जाती हैं। अपनी देह का इस्तेमाल कब और कैसे करना है यह वे अपनी राजनीति और रणनीति के तहत तय करने लगती हैं। कभी कभी उन्हे समझौते भी करने पडते हैं खासकर देह को लेकिन उन्हें इन समझौतों का पूर्वाभास हो ही जाता है। ऐसे समय नैतिकता के प्रश्न को वे खुद ही नज़रंदाज़  कर देती हैं। और हर स्थिति से जूझने या रूबरू होने को तैयार हो जाती हैं। जैसे एक पुरुष अपनी रणनीति में अपने शारीरिक बल को शामिल करके अपनी रणनीति बनाता है, ठीक वैसे ही महत्वाकांक्षी स्त्री को भी अपनी रणनीति बनानी होती है, चाहे वह देह के संदर्भ में ही क्यों न हो। उसे देह की रक्षा या देह के उपयोग, दोनों  से देह को केन्द्र में रखना पडता है। विडम्बना यह है कि सत्ता के लिए महत्वाकांक्षी पुरुष जो भी करे, वह कलंकित नहीं होता लेकिन महत्वकांक्षी स्त्री  को हर कदम पर कलंक झेलते हुए आगे बढना होता है। उसे लडना पडता है बल्कि यह कहना अधिक उपयुक्त होगा कि उसे मर मर कर जीना होता है  जिंदा रहने के लिए जद्दोजहद करनी होती है। समाज व राजनीति में स्वीकृति मिलने व प्रस्थापित होने के बाद वे अपना या अपनी देह का इस्तेमाल या शोषण बन्द करने की स्थिति में आ जाती हैं। राजनीति में खासकर बुर्जुआ राजनीति में नैतिकता एक निरर्थक शब्द  बन चुका है खास कर पुरुषों के संदर्भ में। जब स्त्री यह समझ जाती है तो वह अपनी रणनीति आसानी से बना लेती

औरतें जो सपने सच करती है

औरतें जो सपने सच करती है


हमारे देश में साधारणतया कई दॐष्टिकोणों से स्त्राीमुङ्कित की अवधारणा तौली जाती है। ऐसे तो मुङ्कित की तरह ही स्त्राीमुङ्कित की भी कई अवधारणाएं हो सकती हैं, चूंकि प्रत्येक व्यङ्कित अपनी मुङ्कित की अलग अवधारणा रख सकता है। सापेक्षिक सिद्घांत के अन्तर्गत मुङ्कित को लेकर सबके अपनेअपने सपने हो सकते हैं। इसके बावजूद कुछ साझे मुद्दे ऐसे हैं, जो सभी के लिए समान हो सकते हैं। हालांकि कभीकभी देशकाल या भिन्न संदर्भों में भी ये सांझे मुद्दे या उनकी प्राथमिकताएं बदल जाया करती हैं। राजनीति या समाज के सामाजिक, आर्थिक या सांस्कॐतिक क्षेत्राों में स्त्राी ने प्रवेश करके यह सिद्घ कर दिया है कि वह सपने पूरा करने में सक्षम है। भले ऐसी स्त्रिायों की संख्या कम है। किन्तु वे समाज को एक आदर्श देकर प्रेरणा का स्रोत बनी हैं।

यदि मनुष्य महत्वाकांक्षी न हो तो वह मुर्दा कहलाता है और जो कौम सपने न देखे वह भी मुर्दा ही होती है। स्त्रिायां भी सपने देखती हैं, भले व्यावहार में उन्हें सपने देखने और उन्हें साकार करने की इजाज.त समाज ने नहीं दी,ङ्कयह एक हकीकत है कि पुरुषों के समान ही स्त्रिायां भी महत्वाकांक्षी होती हैं। वे भी सत्ताा हासिल करना चाहती हैंङ्कमाध्यम चाहे समाजसेवा हो, बिजनैस, बाजार या राजनीति अथवा सांस्कॐतिक मंच या फिर खुद अपना ही घर। वे कामयाब नहीं हो पातींङ्कये अलग बात है। जब स्त्राीमुङ्कित की अवधारणा इस रूप में नहीं पनपी थी, जिस रूप में आज हैङ्कउस युग में भी स्त्रिायों ने मुक्ति के सपने देखे हैं। यहां तक कि रजि या बेगम उस सपने के लिए मारी भी गयीं। ङ्कल्योपाट्रा ने पुरुषों को एहसास कराया कि स्त्राी के स्त्राीत्व की अपनी एक ताकत और सत्ताा होती है, जो पुरुष के शाऊनिज्म को पछाड सकती है। अपनी देह को एक हथियार बनाकर रूस की स्त्रिायों ने देश के लिए खुद को खतरों के हवाले कर, हिटलर के सामने भी मुश्किलें पैदा कर दी थीं। वे उनके खेमे में घुसकर, सेना के भेद लाने एवं देश को बचाने के लिए मर्यादा एवं नैतिकता जैसी सभी सीमाएं उलांघ गईं थीं। भारत में भी आई.एन.ए. की लक्ष्मीबाई एक ज्वलंत उदाहरण है। इन्दिरागांधी भी राजनीति दांवपेच में कम कुशल नहीं थीङ्कभले हमसे उनके विचार न मिलते हों किंतु उनकी कुशलता, स्टेट्‌समैनशिप और जनप्रियता को नकारा नहीं जा सकता।

पिछले लेख का शेष भाग.........

स्त्रियाँ


स्वावलम्बी कामकाजी स्त्रियाँ जो हीनभावना के कारण मुक्त नहीं हो पाती।


इस श्रेणी में वे मध्यमवर्गीय कामकाजी स्त्रियाँ आती हैं, जो कामकाजी होने के कारण स्वावलम्बी होती हैं। वे मुङ्कित की इच्छा और अस्मिता का अहसास भी उन्हें कचोटता है। वे अपना आत्मसम्मान निर्मित कर चुकी होती हैं चूंकि वे परिवार का दायरा तोड.कर कामकाजी महिलाएं बनी होती हैं। इसलिए वे छोटेमोटे निर्णय लेने की क्षमता भी हासिल कर लेती हैं। परिवार की अतिरिक्त  आमदनी का जरिया बन जाने के चलते, वे परिवार में विशेष रुतबा  भी पा जाती हैं। बावजूद इसके वे परिवार सम्बन्धी या खुद अपने या अपनी सन्तान के लिए बड़े  निर्णय लेने से घबराती या कतराती रहती हैं। दरअसल ये स्त्रिायां एक तरफ अपने धर्म व सांस्कृतिक  सामाजिक दवाब के कारण, तो दूसरी तरफ औरत होने की अपनी हीनग्रन्थि से इतनी त्रस्त होती हैं कि उनमें आत्मविश्वास की कमी पनप जाती है। वे सामाजिक वर्जनाओं व सामाजिक निंदाओं से त्रस्त और भयभीत ही नहीं रहतीं बल्कि वे धार्मिक अन्धविश्वासों, पापबोध और अपराधबोध की ग्रंथियों की भी शिकार होती हैं। ऐसी महिलाएं अधिकतर कुंठित रहती हैं। कभीकभार तो किन्हीं किन्हीं के इतर सम्बन्ध  भी पर्दे के पीछे चलते रहते हैं, जिसके चलते प्रेमियों व सहकर्मियों द्वारा उनका गुहादोहन भी होता रहता है। ऐसी स्त्रियाँ पति की भी चुपचाप मार खाती रहती हैं। वे प्रायः मनोरोगों का शिकार भी हो जाती हैं। मैंने कई उच्च पदों पर आसीन स्त्रियाँ को पति की हिंसा का शिकार होते देखा हैं। इसके बावजूद वे पति के विरूद्घ कोई प्रतिरोध दर्ज नहीं करतीं या कराती इसलिए कि वे  खुद  को अपराधी  मानती है।
कार्यस्थल से घर पहुँचने में देरी होने पर पति और पारिवार की शंका का विष उन्हें प्रतिदिन पीना पढ़ता है और समाज की उंगलियां भी झेलनी पढ़ती हैं, फिर भी वे विद्रोह नहीं कर पातीं। अति होने पर वे आत्महत्या तक कर लेती हैं या फिर घर से भाग जाती हैं, किंतु अधिकांश उस नर्क को भोगती रहती हैं।  संगठन बनने से अपने कोटर से बाहर निकल सकती हैं। ऐसी स्त्रिायां प्रायः आत्मदया व अपराधबोध की ग्रन्थि को भी ताउम्र पोसती और जीती रहती हैं।

ऐसी साक्षर पड़ी - लिखी स्त्रियाँ जिन्हें इच्छा शक्ति कि कमी मुक्त नहीं होने देती

ऐसी स्त्रियाँ जो मुक्ति से अवगत तो हैं - मुक्त होना भी चाहती हैं लेकिन इच्छा शक्ति कि कमी के कारण वे परिवार कि इज्ज़त, तथाकथित स्त्रिवत मर्यादा, संतान कि ममता के चक्रव्यूह तथा समाज और धर्म के भय के दायरे से बहार नहीं निकल पातीं हैं. वे घरेलू, हिंसा, प्रताड़ना और अपमान को दम साधकर दुखी मन से सहती रहती हैं पर उसके विरुध्द विद्रोह नहीं कर पातीं. सामाजिक बदनामी या निंदा, धार्मिक वर्जनाओं और अंधविश्वासों का दर तो उनमे व्याप्त होता ही है, लेकिन परिवार और पति पर पूरी तरह आर्त्जिक निर्भरता भी उनकी इस दुविधा और दुर्गति का एक कारण बड़ा कारण है. माता - पिता भी उन्हें पतियों के भरोसे ही छोड़ देते हैं.

स्त्री-मुक्ति विमर्श से अनजान पर स्वालम्बी सर्वहारा स्त्रियां

बहिष्कृत, निम्नजातीय सर्वहारा, स्वालम्बी व इज्जत के छद्म मिथक तथा मनुवादी वर्जनाओं से मुक्त स्त्रियां, स्त्री-मुक्ति  विमर्श से तो परिचित नहीं होतीं, किंतु वे स्वावलम्बी होती हैं। समाज से बहिष्कृत यह तबका निम्न समझा जाता है और कठिन श्रम करता है। औरतों के प्रति इनके अपने सामाजिक नियम भारत की शेष उच्चवर्णीय आबादी की तरह कठोर व जड. नहीं होते। वे ढीले व व्यवहारिक होते हैं और औरतों के प्रति संवेदनशील भी। इस तबके की औरतें खेतोंखलिहानों, कारखानोंखदानों, रोड, भवन, बांट्ठा आदि में श्रम बेच कर जीविका चलाती हैं। वे अपनी कमाई से परिवार का पोषण करने में बराबर की भागीदारी करती हैं। देह से वे पारिवारिक व अपने समाज की वर्जनाओंतर्जनाओं के कारण उतनी गुलाम नहीं होतीं, जितनी अन्य मध्यवर्गीय औरतें या गॐहणियां होती हैं।

इस वर्ग की औरतें पति से न पटने पर उसे नकार सकती हैं, छोड सकती हैं और अपना अलग घर बसा सकती हैं या अपनी शर्तों पर दूसरे मर्द के यहां बैठ सकती हैं। अपनी मर्जी से ब्याह कर सकती हैं। पति की हिंसा सहती हैं पर वे उलट कर जवाब भी दे लेती हैं। वे प्रतिरोध करती हैंङ्कबिना यह जाने की यह स्त्राीमुक्ति का नारा है।

 

झूठी इज्जत का मिथ न तो उन्हें पति बदलने से रोकता है और ना ही दूसरा पति करने से । बच्चों का मोह भी उन्हें घर या परिवार से बांधकर नहीं रखता। इन वर्गों की औरतें अपने बच्चों के साथ दूसरे मर्द के यहां बैठती हैं, जिन्हें पालने का दायित्व दूसरे मर्द का होता है। इसे ऐसा भी कह सकते हैं कि दूसरा मर्द औरत को उसके बच्चों के साथ स्वीकारता है, उसे दागी या अपवित्रा नहीं मानता। ये खुद कमाती हैं, इसलिए इन्हें यह चिन्ता नहीं सताती कि मर्द के छोड. देने पर कैसे गुजर होगी या ये कहाँ जायेगी? वे सौंदर्य की कसौटी पर खुद को नहीं कसतीं बल्कि श्रम की कसौटी पर अपनी देह को परखती हैं। प्रयास करने पर या जरूरत होने पर वे संगठित भी होती हैं। इनकी मुख्य समस्या गरीबी, भूख और जाति है। समाज में वे लिंग और जाति के कारण दोयम नम्बर पर हैंङ्कइसका अहसास इन्हें है, पर यह उतना तीव्र नहीं है कि वे व्रिदोह पर उतारू हो जाएं। औंरतों को मिलने वाले दुःख व अन्याय तथा जुल्म को ये 'भाग्य का फल* या 'गरीबी का परिणाम* मान कर सहती हैं।

ऐसी औरतों का दबंगों या सवर्णो द्वारा जबरन दैहिक शोषण किया जाना आम बात होती है। इन स्त्रिायों का अपनी कोख पर इस जबरदस्ती के चलते अधिकार नहीं होता। इस मायने में इनके संदर्भ में देह की स्वतन्त्राता बेमानी हो जाती है। इसके बावजूद उनमें जुल्म की समझ होती है, भले स्त्राीमुङ्कित की किसी भी स्तर की अवधारणा की समझ उनमें न हो। जुल्म या जबरदस्ती का अहसास होने पर वे अवसर मिलते ही प्रतिकार करने पर आमादा हो जाती हैं।

इस वर्ग की औरतें बलात्कॐत या प्रताडि त होने पर अपराधबोट्ठा या शुचितग्रन्थि से ग्रसित नहीं होतीं, ना ही वे मनमसोस कर घर में बैठ जाती हैं। वे जुल्म का प्रतिरोध करते हुए खटनेकमाने के लिए भी निकल जाती हैं। उनका परिवार और पति बलात्कॐत औरत को नकारता नहीं बल्कि उसके साथ मिलकर जुल्म के खिलाफ संघर्ष करता है।

विचार विमर्श

मुक्ति के सपने देखती औरतों का अलग अलग धरातल


पाठकों, आज हम अपने ब्लॉग में स्त्री मुक्ति के उन्मुक्त गगन में पंख फड़फड़ाने की इच्छुक महिलाओं की आर्थिक वैचारिक सीमाओं के आधार पर उनका एक ठोस वर्गीकरण करने की श्रृंखला जारी करने जा रहे हैं. आप सभी चेतनाशील एवं प्रबुध्ध पाठकों से अनुरोध है की इस वैश्लेषिक वर्गीकरण पर अपनी राइ और अपने मतभेद प्रेषित करें ताकी हम एक स्वस्थ विचार विमर्श के जरिये एक और अधिक उच्च वैज्ञानिक धरातल पर खड़े हो सकें. हमारा पहली श्रेणी है:



औरतें जो मुक्ति का अर्थ नहींजानती हैं



भारत की स्त्रियों में स्त्रीविमर्श के दृष्टिकोण से स्त्रीमुक्ति की प्रचलित समझ के स्तर को निश्चित खांचों या खानों में बांटना तो कठिन है लेकिन वर्तमान स्थितियों, परिस्थितियों के आधार पर स्त्रिायों की समझ, सोच व अवधारणा के विभिन्न स्तर व रूझानों को चिधित तो किया ही जा सकता है। भारत में मुक्ति की यह सोच ऊपर के तबके की स्त्रियों में कुछ हद तक जरूर काफी व्याप गई है, भले वह अभी भी अधकचरी समझ ही है। करोड़ों स्त्रियाँ इस सोच से अनजान हैं कि ये भी कटु सत्य है। आज स्त्री विमर्श और स्त्री मुक्ति का सपना ऊंची उड़ने भरने के लिए अपने डैने फड़फड़ा कर खुद को गतिमान बनाने की मुहिम चलाने में तो कामयाब हुआ है लेकिन यथार्थ के धरातल पर ये सपने कितने परवान चढ़े उनकी वस्तुस्थिति क्या है इसे परखना जरूरी है।

औरत का पक्ष?

(शक्तिप्रसंग,मनोज कुमार)


भारत में कबीर जैसे जातितोड़क, व्यवस्थाविरोधी, क्रान्तिकारी कवि भी स्त्री के प्रति कटु हैं। वे तो स्त्री की तुलना 'नरककुण्ड' से करते हैं। दरअसल खुद को स्त्री के आकर्षण से मुक्त करने में अक्षम होने के कारण हर पुरुष स्त्री पर ही सारा दोष मढ़ कर, खुद को सुरखरू माने लगता है.  कबीर भी ऐसे ही अंदाज में ही कुछ करते हैं । आज भी तो यही हो रहा है। पुरुष बलात्कार करते हैं, युवा लडकियों से छेडखानी करते पकडे जाते हैं. वे युवा लडकियों की ड्रेस, पहनावे केशविन्यास या हावभाव पर ही दोष मढ कर खुद को निर्दोष साबित करने लगते हैं। उनका आरोप होता हैं की लडकियां ऐसे उत्तोजित करने वाले कपड़े पहनती हैं, इसलिए हम उत्तोजित हो जाते हैं. "इसमें हमारा क्या  दोष?"

यदि हम पूरे विश्व की सभ्याताओं को खंगालें, तो इक्का दुक्का अपवाद छोड कर विश्व में स्त्रियों  के प्रति अपने काले इरादों से लैस कतार में लगी अनेकों सभ्यताएं ही नज़र आती हैं।

इन सारी सभ्याताओं में एक इजिप्ट ही ऐसा देश है, जहां औरत को ऊँचा दर्जा दिया गया था। वहाँ प्रेमविवाह को भी स्वीकृति मिली हुई है । बाकी सब सभ्यताएं तो औरत की इच्छाओं को निरर्थक ही मानती रही हैं।

हाँ, कतिपय आदिवासी समाजों में प्रेम विवाह, शादी से पहले यौन सम्बंध या सन्तान उत्पति को अवैध नहीं माना जाता। वहाँ स्त्री पुरुष सम्मिलन हेतु 'घोटुल' व्यवस्था भी थी । मिजोराम के कई कबीलों में लडके को शादी के पहले अपनी योग्यता व सामर्थ्य सिद्घ करने के लिए मातापिता के साथ सोई लडकी को सहवास करने के लिए चुपचाप बुलाकर ले आना होता है। यदि वह ऐसा करने में सफल नहीं हो पाता, तो उस लडकी की शादी उस लडके से नहीं की जाती।

नेपोलियन ने सिपाही पैदा करना  स्त्री का धर्म बताया था।

वाम आन्दोलन तक ने भी रूस में औरतों को ज्यादा बच्चे पैदा करने की सलाह और हिदायत दी थी कि देश में उत्पादन बढे ! मानो कि औरत बच्चा पैदा करने की मशीन हो! माना कि यह हिदायत देश के हित में थी पर औरत का पक्ष?

Tribal Issues : Appraisal and Intervention

TRANSLATOR’S NOTE

It is a delight to go through Ramnika Gupta’s original work

in Hindi. Her concerns, invariably activist and

interventionist in scope, are people oriented. Straddling across genres–poetry, short stories, biography, prose essays, criticism, and journalism – her creative and critical corpus evolves around the socio-political, economic and existential plight of people at the margins–Adivases, dalits, and women. Even among them, she is particularly concerned with yudhrat aam adami, the common people–workers in mines, domestic and industrial labour, dislocated tribals, disadvantaged women–who are consciously and actively engaged in struggles that don’t stop at mere survival but go far beyond to achieve one’s rightful place/space in the socio-economic and political scheme of things.

Ramnika Gupta may not share the same location, but she, as a co-participant in the plight of people and as an involved activist, understands and empathizes with them. Her advocacy of their concerns is genuine, not patronizing. And it shows in her creative and critical writings. There is a kind of hard-hitting frankness and sincerity about whatever she does or writes about. Instead of engaging the readers in the flourish of language, she has the habit of engaging them directly with the topic at hand. This habit of calling a spade a spade and the attendant sincerity of purpose is not a mere posturing, intellectual fad or a political/marketing gimmick with her, it springs from a sense of commitment that is attendant on an excruciating process of negating the self by putting it on public display, not as a self-aggrandizing spectacle but as a text that reflects the mechanization of the colonial-patriarchal society on its subject. Her autobiographical sketches are a testimony to this. Her long career as a trade union activist further reiterates this fact.

This quality of negating the self and being one with the disadvantaged ‘other(s)’ is indeed remarkable, given the reality of Indian context. Within the conservative milieu, with its more often than not hypocritical ethos, an outspoken and an outgoing woman is always faced with derogatory insinuations. In fact, it is one of the hardest challenges a woman activist still faces in India. An average woman may find herself dissipated at this initial stage itself. It is rare, if one doesn’t take up the easier options offered by ‘sponsored’ NGOs now days, for a woman to overcome this initial hurdle dispassionately and tread the un-trodden paths that demand immediate and utmost attention and priority. Ramnika Gupta is aware of this onerous task and commitment that it demands, especially from women, when she says: “From us, who talk of equality and seek job parity, this issue demands a commitment: let us shed our ‘touch-me-not’ image, and as competent women, adapt ourselves for every task and make ourselves capable of taking risks. And I can say this on the basis of my own experiences that this ‘touch-me-not-complex’ is typically middle class syndrome.” Raminka Gupta does not only lead by example, but also, in the process, raises many pertinent questions with regard to our priorities as responsible citizens, and also our methodologies for social intervention. She is not an armchair ‘revolutionary’, neither is activism social luxury for her.

Her activist writings are a treasure trove of information. She believes in extensive documentation of issues, facts and data to delineate and substantiate her concerns. These facts have been gleaned from her first hand experiences and encounters as a trade union leader and a politician, her engagement and involvement as a fellow writer, translator and commentator on dalit and adivasi writing, its texts and contexts, and an extensive study of the published material. Most of the essays in this book are an outcome of her engagement with these issues as an editor of Yudhrat Aam Adami, both as peoples’ movement and a journal (in Hindi) that documents Ambedkrite, Indigenous and Peoples’ literature. These essays also reflect the focus of her eponymous foundation.

A well-known figure in Hindi belt, it is high time her works were also introduced to the wider world. This objective and need informs this translation. The need to shake off the complacency of the English speaking middle class elite – the bedrock of LPG forces that threaten to further marginalize the already marginalized – and to sensitise them to the reality of the marginalized masses and their problems is an express purpose of this translation.

In the essays included in this anthology Ramnika Gupta’s socially oriented reflections are generally underlined by a threefold purpose: construction, critique and conditioning. She critiques the ignorance of the mainstream classes and the indifference of the mainstream power clique to the condition of the margins. She constructs or showcases the world-view, aspirations and inspirations of the margins so as to inform and expand the horizons of her prospective readers. In other words, having jolted them out of their smugness and privileged but narrow locations, Ramnika Gupta’s writings condition her prospective readers to empathizely connect with and enter into the life world and mindset of the margins. That this conditioning is affected for a particular purpose and from a particular ideological location comes across loud and clear in her writings; it is not present in her writing as a hidden agenda. It makes her writings transparent and purposeful, even prophetic. If the plight of the people present in her writings is not heeded to, if the mainstream keeps appropriating or hegemonising their culture and life mores or if it fails to safeguard their political and social interest and aspirations, or if it keeps on exploiting them unabated for its own vested interests; the consequences can be fatal for the multicultural fabric of India as a nation. The repetitive and often rhetorical loudness in Ramnika Gupta’s prose, if seen in this context, comes out as a well thought out strategy on her part to catch hold of the smug reader by the collar and drill into his/her consciousness a worldview he /she is perilously ignorant of.

Her essays have been an eye opener for me and I hope that this translation will go a long way to illuminate the consciousness of many more.

Anup Beniwal

ADIVASIS : THE PRECURSORS OF THE FREEDOM STRUGGLE OF 1857

150th anniversary of 1857 or the First War of India’s

Independence is being celebrated this year. As documented

in history, it was a time when the Indian Raja's, feudal lords and nawabs took upon themselves to drive away the British from India. It is true that the people of the country sided and cooperated with the Raja's in this struggle. The historians have however failed to document one of the most significant facts of this history, viz., the participation and contribution of the indigenous people/Adivasis in this struggle. Adivasis were in fact the precursors or initiators of the armed rebellion against the British, but historians have conveniently ignored this fact. In fact, just a year ago, in 2005, we celebrated the 150th anniversary of Sido Kanhu’s call to Santal Hool, in Jharkhand.

Adivasi-warriors never turned away from the battlefield, they fought to the end. A dead leader would be immediately replaced by another so as to lead one’s contingent. Considering that they were no monarchs but ordinary people, this was a singularly remarkable feat. Their leadership was not hereditary; each one was a potential leader.

Today let’s salute the heroes of that freedom struggle and recall those Adivasi-warriors from north-east to extreme south-west, who either took part in the war of 1857 or who, in their unique ways, continued to resist the British before the war in 1857 or long after it was over, died fighting, accepted the noose without yielding – and did not side with the British out of avarice.

Even before 1857 the Adivasi-communities had, at their own levels, engaged the British in many amazing battles throughout India so as to dissuade them from settling down (in India). For three-quarters of a century, starting at the end of 18th century, Adivasis continued to harass the British. The entire Khandesh, an Adivasi-majority region that nestles in the lap of Satpuras, had turned against the British in 1825. The British could not bring peace to the region despite the power of their money (in the form of wages) or munitions. Adivasi battles continued into the 20th century.

This chain of tribal rebellions has a past that precedes 1857 by many years. It all began in 1766, ninety years before 1857, in Nala, Jamtara and Kundahint in Jharkhand where the rebellion against the British had erupted under the leadership of Ramna Alhari (Paharia). This came to be known as Paharia revolt. It continued till 1778. Tracing the history of tribal revolts, Manmohan Pargi adds: “The Adivasis of Pune-Nasik region in Maharashtra also share the honour of rising in struggle against the British.”

Following Paharia resistance, Rani Shaveshwari raised the banner of revolt in 1781. Baba Tilka Majhi raised a battalion of, soldiers, and raiding Bhagalpur in the first week of 1784, took many adjoining areas under his control. He also fought many battles in the region of Munger and Santal parganas. Baba Tilka had arrowed to death Augustus Cleavland, the Commissioner of Bhagalpur, when he saw him molesting an Adivasi girl. Tightly securing his hands and feet with ropes, the English fastened Tilka Majhi to four horses and dragged him all the way from Sultanpur to Bhagalpur. Even then Tilka Majhi did not die. He was ultimately hanged on a Tree at the Bhagalpur Square.

Vishnu Maanki led the Bundu revolt against the British from 1797 to 1798, and Dhukkhan Maanki kept alive the sparks of this rebellion in Tamar from 1800 to 1808 till it virtually turned into a conflagration. This Munda revolt of Tamar continued unabated during 1819-20. During the same period, Rugdev and Konta Munda triggered the Kol revolt, and Ho revolt also happened the same year; the fire of revolts thus engulfed the British in Jharkhand. In the Kol revolt of 1828-1832, under the leadership of Bindrai and Singhrai, the Kol rebels took control of the king’s palace. The Adivasis had thus succeeded in forming an independent government well before 1857.

In 1854-56, the kettledrums for the great Santal Hool were struck under the leadership of the four Murmu brothers, Sido, Kanho, Chand and Bhairo. It shook the foundations of the foreign empire. The Santal Hool had begun on the night of June 30, 1856 with the slogans – Hool bahar jitkaar, Hool hegal jitkaar. More than ten thousand Adivasis were killed in this uprising. Sido and Kanho were hanged, Chand and Bhairo died fighting. In this uprising masses joined hands with the revolutionaries by contributing clothes, shoes, laathis, pots and pans for drinking water etc., for the cause.

Post 1857, Birsa Munda’s great uprising, Ulgulaan continued unabated from 1895 to 1900. Birsa had envisioned this struggle as an emancipatory class struggle for the destruction of British revenue system and feudal-contractor-moneylender nexus. It's aim was to reclaim tribal rights over forest and land, and to protect Adivasi identity, autonomy and culture. It was, in fact a revolution against the British.

1902 Santal uprising was their last battle. Meanwhile Kharwars, Majhies, Korwas, Kharias, Gonds and Mundas continued with their many rebellions.

While these revolts were unfolding in Jharkhand, various other revolts surfaced elsewhere in the country.

In Bastar, the Bhil revolt against the British was simply amazing. According to Manmohan Paargi in his essay published in Special Issue of Yudhrat Aam Aadmi–Adivasi Swar Aur Nai Shatabdi Part-II–“More than one lac Adivasi-revolutionaries confronted the army of colonel Gamer. The Adivasi heroes were cordoned by deceit, and gunned down. The remaining rebels were rounded up and were hanged from trees at the sadar bazaar of Jagdalpur.” In Madhay Pradesh, the Raja Muria tribals of Angarwara paragna rose in revolt in which the people of Bhatra and Mahra communities had also participated.

India celebrates its Republic Day on 26th January, and its Independence Day on 15th August. But no one celebrates the birth and death anniversaries of brave Sangoli Rayanna whose birth and death incidentally coincides with these dates.

Rani Chinemma, the queen of Kittur, after the death of her husband, had entered into a conflict with the British for safeguarding the rights of her adopted son. She was childless. She was imprisoned. This was the first battle against the British in Karnataka. Rani Chinemma was born 33 years before the famous queen of Jhansi. Rayanna was the revenue-collector of the British. After the queen was taken into custody, he took charge of the revolt and did not let the battle of Kittur slacken. Rayanna organized similarly inclined people throughout the state and carried on with the battle. On 26th January 1933, Rayanna was executed by hanging in Nandgaon. He kissed the noose singing songs of his motherland. The heroic martyrdom of brave Sangoli Rayanna, who was born on 15th August 1794, in the Dhanagar family of Sangoli, in Belgaum district, is unique in the history of Karnataka in India.

From the beginning of 19th century till 1857, for fifty years till the first war of independence, East India Company had to face stiff resistance in the Northeast from Lushai, Singdoh, Jaintia and Kachhari communities under the leadership of Maniram Barua, Tirot Singh, Tikendrajit Singh, U. Kiang Nangbah and Ropuiliani, among others. For forty years, i.e., from 1858 to 1898, the duration that the British administration took to consolidate its hold on the entire Northeast, the people of the region did not let them enjoy peace.

By 1774 the Jaintia king had fought a war with Major Hoenikker that continued till 1821. On 4th April 1829, Tirot Singh attacked the British. He spearheaded a massacre of an entire British post. This started the battle which dragged on for many years. The revolt continued for three years and he was put under house arrest for life. Though many of these people were sacrificed, but they too gave the British a tough fight.

Nangbah, a commoner had closely watched Tirot Singh battling the British. Infact Britisher's prevented Khasis to burry their dead one on the prescribe Shamshan Ghat (Cemetery). They also put a ban on the prevelent custom of bringing weapons in the festivals. This agitated Khasis. They were very much annoyed with these foriegn rulars because of there interfare in their releses matters, custums and life style. Imposition of tax by Britishers on Khasis further deteriorated be setuation and the bar started. Many platoons of the British army were deployed to capture Nangbah. He was caught by deceit and was hanged from a tree in front of a crowd that ran into thousands. Before stepping on to the noose, he is believed to have told his tearful country-folks: ‘If my face turns towards left as they pull the rope, it would mean that you would get independence within 100 years, but if it turns right, you will be slaves forever.’ The freedom came in 1947, well within hundred years. His martyrdom is commemorated even today.

After the death of her husband Vaandula, queen Ropuiliani blew the trumpet of revolt in Mizoram. Though her sons were killed in the battle, she did not yield. She proclaimed that she would drive the English away from Mizoram and would not let her people work like slaves. For the British, she was a born rebel. She was arrested in 1893 and died in jail on January 3, 1895.

Nagaland, Mizoram and Assam in the Northeast are witness to amazing tales of heroism. It is a testimony to their organizational-prowess and skills that the Adivasis of Nagaland managed to attack the British for nineteen years. According to Manmohan Pargi, “282 British officers and soldiers were killed in these attacks. Nagas withstood the might of the British army equipped with modern armaments for five months.”

On the other side in Rajasthan, while the royalty and the elites were busy playing host to the British, Adivasis were challenging the British through their folk songs:–

O white man, why have you

Come to our land;

Go back to your country?

(Yudhrat Aam Admi, Special Issue, Part-1)

The name of Khajya Nayak of Madhya Pradesh would top the list in any discussion on Adivasi-battles against the British in 1857. In Khandesh, Adivasis kept on fighting the English from 1818 to1850. Despite their superior arms and army the British could not decimate these Adivasis. Khajya Nayak was among those heroes who had offered a formidable challenge to the British in 1857. He kept on fighting the English even after 1857. The fact whether he was betrayed or killed by deceit still continues to be debated, but one thing is certain; despite the assurance of clemency, Khajya did not surrender to the British.

Bhima Nayak and Mobasa Nayak were Khajya’s friends. No body knows for certain the antecedents of Bhima Nayak, but he fought the English for ten years. With the death of queen of Jhansi, the revolt of 1857 came to an end in north India. Having reached Narmada, Tantiya Tope too turned back. But both Khajya and Bhima persisted with the battle.

Even when the war of 1857 was over, they continued fighting the British in the region of Nivaad, Khandesh and Nasik till 1867. His country’s independence was the proclaimed aim of Bhima’s exploits. He was arrested in 1867 and exiled from India.

Tantya Bheel comonly known as Tantya Mama was yet another notable revolutionary who was dreaded by the British administration. He was born in Nimad in Madhya Pradesh. The frenzy of the vindictive violence unleashed by the British, in the aftermath of revolution of 1857, had struck terror in the hearts of people. It was at this juncture that Tantya, a Bhil, confronted the English. Two of his associates, Dipya and Bijhnia, were arrested in 1880. Dipya escaped and rejoined Tantya, but Bijhania was hanged to death. There is a famous anecdote about Tantya. The English officer who had come to arrest Tantya happened to be one whom Tantya had escorted home as his luggage carrier. Tantya, a man with steel in his blood, confronted the officer: ‘Sahib, I am Tantya, Won’t you arrest me?’ Hearing this officer was convulsed with terror and he returned to England in fright. Tantya was betrayed by his own dharma bahnoi, the husband of his dharma or rakhee sister on the day he had called on her for rakhee.

It was during the struggle of 1857 when Komurams fought the British for days and nights under the leadership of Ramji. Ramji Gond was arrested and was hanged near Nirmal to death by a tree. The tree is still known as the ‘Ramji Chettu.

The Kuruchia Adivasis of Kerala too fought the British army to the last drop of their blood. Talakkar Chandu was their leader. This brave man kept fighting a British contingent of hundred soldiers till he was fully exhausted. Talakkar Chandu and Nilli, an Adivasi woman were the folk leaders of this movement. Nilli had also raised a separate army of women. Talakkar Chandu was caught and hanged to death.

In the second half of 19th century Govind Guru, besides leading Adivasi movements not only against English rule, but also against native kings and the Begari (forcing village workers to work without wages) practices of jagirdars, had spearheaded social reform movements. Apart from launching anti liquor and pro-female education movements, he also fought against prevalent social evils and violence. He was born in a Banjara family. He established sanmap sabhas among Bhil and Garasia tribes. On the complaint of the native Rajput Raja's, the British raided his dhuni and massacred 1500 Bhils overnight. This massacre was bigger in scale than that of Jallianawala Bagh. This incident took place in Banswara located in Maangarh. Some times in 1880-81. He was imprisoned.

The last armoured battle was probably fought in 1922 under the leadership of Allari Sitaram Raju. His first encounter took place with Trem Nahity. On 25th December 1922 in Damanopalli, Raju and his comrades surrounded the English and killed their officers. Their rebellion is termed as ‘Fituri’ ( a derogatory word) by the English. Sri Ram Raju had avowed that he would drive out the British from the country within a year. He ransacked three thanas (police posts) on August 22-23, 1922 and launched an anti lagan (revenue), anti-liquor and pro-panchayati raj movement that continued for two years.

There are countless tales of revolt and heroism. Today we salute all these Adivasi warriors who participated in the struggle of 1857. We also salute those who ignited the spark of rebellion before 1857, transformed it into a conflagration, and did not let this blaze extinguish even after 1857.

ADIVASI WRITING : AN EMERGING CONSCIOUSNESS

Whereas on the one hand the Adivasi creative

consciousness inheres in the self-articulation of its pains

and in finding its own solutions, on the other it also embeds an awareness of the conspiracy by which the established canon has tried to keep tribal people outside the ambit of civilization. The following extract from Vahru Sonvane’s poem ‘Stage’ provides us with an apt and accurate portrayal of the emerging contours of Adivasi creative consciousness. In this poem the Adivasi poet has etched out those feelings which not only shaped but also helped give vent to his creativity. While defining the emerging-consciousness in Adivasi writing, the poem also underlines the need for such writing, thus:–

.

We did not go up the stage

That was made in our name

Nor were we invited on to it

We were shown

Our place

With pointed finger

And we sat there (obediently)

We were highly appreciated

And ‘they,’ standing on the stage

Kept telling us of our own misery

“But our misery remained ours alone

it was never theirs”

We mumbled – uttered our doubts

“They” listened intently

And roared…

Pulling us by the ear admonished us

“Say sorry… otherwise…”

Along with a creative re-appropriation and self-presentation of one’s pain, it is a consciousness that, piercing the age old silence, seeks to shatter the conventional canonical enclosures and Luxman Rakhas that have been drawn by the dominant. This consciousness inspired them to know their own culture, language, history, geography. They also became aware and wanted to know and investigate everything so that they can expose themselves and their culture to the outside world and say proudly– “Look! As a society our values have neither decayed nor any deformity has seeped into these–We have been living as a community –as a social group or collectivity–we have also been trying to forget the hardships inflicted on us by you by singing and dancing.You shoved us away from civilization–displaced us. We kept intact the mutual dialogue alive through flute and kettledrums. Now this dialogue has erupted as Naada–and the flute has become a ‘flame’. Transcending the limits of language and race we have united with a resolve to enlighten the whole society. Our languages are now armed with pen. We have begun writing. We have become aware of our Identity also. Don’t mislead us by calling us ‘Banwasi's’ or forest-dwellers! We, the primordial inhabitants of earth, were born with nature, grew up and evolved with it. We are the ones who as co-participants and co-contributors believe in conserving nature. We don’t want to dominate or rule it. We believe in co-existence–not in annihilation. We draw subsistence from nature and return back the same to her. We have begun writing now– against our forced dislocation caused by you. We won’t let our identity, our selfpride and selfrespect be destroyed. Living with our distinctive life-mores we would scale the ladder of change in a manner that would equip us to compete with you as equals – we have accepted the challenge to keep pace with civilization while keeping intact our individuality–our simplicity - and our collective identity – we will have to wrest-back our land–our forests from you–we shall learn in our mother tongue so that we, the native habitants, may unite. We shall discover our history. Haven’t you progressed through our martyrdom and our decimation? We will bring this fact/truth to light and shall prove that we were saviors and protectors, not Rakashas i.e. Damonds. We were benevolent–not monsters. The king Mahabali who donated his whole kingdom to disguised Bawan was our ancestor. We never disguise to deceive.”

Since Adivasi writers have scripted the truth of their lives–and have documented their life problems, theirs is a literature of life and not an imaginary tale for entertainment. The have also written about Birsa’s Ulgullan, Santal-Kol uprising, and the execution of Sido Kanhu. Equipped with the Adivasi-consciousness, Bhujang Mesram, a poet from Maharashtra, wrote:

Birsa! you have to arrive from anywhere

Either on sickle that cuts grass

Or on an Axe that cuts the wood

From here or from there

From East-West or North-South

Turning in to the breez of the farm

Come from any where

O My Birsa! people wait for you.

This consciousness imbued them with a sense of freedom, and made them aware of their might/strength (hidden in the clasp of their fist):–

After years the news has broken in the Jungle

A moment ago came across a baya; (bird)

that told of weaving a nest

Like the one built five thousand years ago

Just keep on singing

The songs of liberation.

Hidden in the fist of Jungle

Is an invaluable story (of struggle)

Infused by the self-confidence inherent in this literary awareness or consciousness Mahadev Toppo exhorted thus:–

He would pick up the bow

And

To preserve the green of the forest; the poet of the Jungle

Would beat the drum and blow the flute

Mounting his pen on the bowstring

For Grace Kujur the pen is mightier than the gun:–

What would their guns and bullets accomplish?

Crossing the threshold thousand stories are there

Every nerve, is turning into bow

Just wait for the pen turning in to an arrow.

An Adivasi, when mute, used his arrow to fight injustice. Now he is aware of the fatal potency of the pen and is eagerly looking forward to forge his creative prowess into a weapon, an arrow.

Tribal women too did not lag behind. Whenever she rummages through her history, she comes across a brave female soldier Sinagi Dai, holding on her own, alone in the battlefield against the Mughals. And in appreciation Grace Kujur vents forth:–

This time, if your fingers tremble

Take note

I’ll once again become ‘Singi Dai’

Recollecting the times when they would march forth at jani-shikar to vanquish the enemy, she exhorts every Adivasi-woman, thus:–

Jharkhand truly needs

A formidable janishikar once again.

A tribal is gradually becoming aware of the conspiracy to dislocate and distance him from the mainstream/civilization, and is quick to alert his community about it. Hariram Meena in his poem includes even the aboriginals of Andaman & Nicobar. He is worried about their fast dwindling race. He protests their expulsion from their land thus:–

How would you prove,

In the court of this civilization

That this ‘bhom’ (land) was yours?

Watching the forcible eviction of his people from their land, the poet is agitated by their helplessness, and interrogates them:–

Behold!

They are coming

Your nerves are taut

Your muscles are flexing

Your bows and arrows ready

You are united and one

Yet do nothing

You can strike back

But are afraid

Why – but why?

Indigenous writers want to reform their community, so that empowered it can stand eye to eye with the mainstream.

Nirmala Putul strikes hard at the dead traditions and malpractices prevalent in her own community, when she says:–

Oh just stop that

Don’t utter a word, Sajoni Kisku

I remember when you, in your village Baagjori

Had tilled the land

The throne of deotas

That dwell in Majhi Thaan of our hamlet was shaken

The turban of honour of that empty-headed Hadaam

The hereditary chief, tumble down and was defiled

Then, harnessing you to the yolk

They had ploughed the field.

The monsters

Had made you eat fodder

Tethering you by the peg.

She cautions Chudka Soren:

What quantity of liquor your father had consumed

I am not sure

But the liquor consumed him.

She cautions Chudka about the plain-dwellers, who lure away Adivasi girls:–

What jungle-beast was it Chudka Soren

That fled away with your sister Mungli, who

Had gone to gather fire-wood in the jungle.

In Rajasthan, Adivasi writers, through their research and writing, have been able to resurrect the revolt of Gobind Guru and the martyrdom of Kalibai. Ramesh Chandra Vadera and Khemraj Pargi have traced the history of Gobind Guru and Kalibai through folk songs. Hariram Meena has also explored this theme in his article. Today we know that a massacre bigger in scale than that at Jalianawala had taken place at Maangarh, where the English, in connivance with Rajput chieftains of Rajasthan and Gujarat, had shot dead 1500 Adivasis in a single night in the hills of Maangarh. But this incident remained buried in history. It is only now that it is being documented.

The movement that Gobind Guru, a staunch advocate of education, had spearheaded for establishing of schools for boys and girls, for non payment of taxes to the government and interest to moneylenders, was kept alive by people in their folk songs and folktales; now these are being penned on paper and sculpted in stone by the Adivasi artists.

The following song by Gobind Guru that reverberates through the nooks and corners of Rajasthan turned out to be a prophecy for freedom:–

O Buratia I refuse to acquiesce

My writ runs in Delhi

In Ahmedabad my jajam (seat)

My armies in Jaambu

In Maangarh my dhuni (base)

I recognize him as the chief

Who proclaims

The authority of Gobind Guru

White man I won’t acquiesce…

(Buratia stands of British white man)

Adivasi writers have also tried to unearth the sources of their languages. Moraji Devgam has discovered Mundari words in the languages of Zamibia, Mongolia, Nigeria and Germany. He has even prepared a script for Ho language. It is a manifestation of the energy and awareness of Adivasi writers that they have been making utmost efforts to develop their languages. Santali speakers have invented a script called Olchiki. This script is even being taught in West Bengal. They are now trying to demonstrate that the Mundari language and its ‘dupub’ (root) culture has been the harbinger of universal human society. The search is on for Mundari and Kudux words even in Vedas.

Pitching for his mother tongue, Pushp Pushakar suggests links among Mundari, Khadia, Santali and Ho languages; Devgam, is trying to forge a script for Ho that corresponds to the predominantly oral tradition in Adivasi languages.

Critics like Dr Rajender Thakare, Rose Kerketta, Remis Kandulna, and Doman Sahu “Sameer” have undertaken the evaluation of Adivasi literatures. Lataari Kabru Madaavi, who is engaged in the reappraisal of Ravana, is trying to ‘set right’ the deliberate distortion in the representation of tribal life.

Dr. Gobind Gare in Marathi and Chetanya Prasad Majhi in Orriya, by focusing on the issues of Adivasi dislocation, development and change, and Rajender Singh Munda and Ram Dayal Munda by analyzing in Hindi the political and religious contexts of the tribals, are trying to create a blueprint for Adivasi studies. Dayamani, Vasavi, Bitiya Murmu, Nirmala Putul and Rose Kerketta, in trying to pen Adivasi questions, are trying to problematize them from different angles.

They are showcasing their folk-literature – bringing to the fore anecdotes, legends, folk tales, writing plays and, simultaneously searching for the tales of heroism. If in ‘Haykang (a Bori prayer song), a folksong from Arunachal Pradesh, the priest, while narrating the tale of origin talks about the crime perpetrated on human race by the Creator, then in the ‘dirge of the departed souls’ the soul of the dead lying in the tomb, instead of craving for heaven, desires to return to the land of the living.

Adivasi writers have also made forays in editing and publication. Their papers and magazines are being published in almost all major languages. In Jharkhand alone about 146 magazines in Santali language are being published. The Aravali Udghosh, published from Rajasthan–and that has already inspired two special issues of Yudhtrat Aam Aadmi on Adivasi writing–is an important magazine that showcases most of the Hindi speaking Adivasi writers.

The Adivasi creative ascendance is multifaceted, realistic and has a wide reach or scope. It is a committed writing that aims at social and human well being premised on democratic and egalitarian bonding and equality. While realizing the importance of education this literature is moving ahead with a mission that seeks to educate and create mass awareness, that can ultimately bring an attitudinal change amongs non Adivasis and Adivasis.

Language Identity in Tribal Areas : A Movement

While on the one hand the issue of language identity in tribal

areas has erupted as a movement for sustenance and

claiming Adivasi rights a due place from/within the mainstream, on the other hand within the Hindi society and literature, language identity has always remained an controversial issue. The plight of Tulsidas, though in the context of the dominance of Sanskrit, is well known. Rummaging through history in the present context, we are reminded of Ram Vilas Sharma, who on his reflections on language, had put the concept of Hindi jatiyata or identity before us, and in the course of time, had expanded on it in the three books that he wrote, to present the notion of Hindi belt.

There are thirty-seven dialects in all within the Hindi belt. Ram Vilas Sharma’s notion has posed a great danger to the existence of these dialects and has dealt a blow to ‘language claim’ of dialects such as Braj, Avadhi, Maithali, Bhojpuri, Magadhi, Kanauji, Bagri, Kurmali, Nagpuria, Khorta etc. Because of the pervasiveness of this notion of Hindi (as advanced by Sharma), the claim of these dialects for inclusion in the Eighth Schedule was sidestepped or pushed to the margins. Of late, Maithali has been accepted as ‘scheduled language’ but Braj, Avadhi, Bhojpuri and Rajasthani and all other languages of Hindi belt have lagged behind, despite an abundance of significant literature that has been written in these languages.

Though there were 146 registered magazines in Santali in Jharhkand alone, in 2002, yet this language was not included in the Eighth Schedule. Since then the number of Santali publications has increased manifold. They have used these little magazines to develop their contemporary ‘written’ literature as an activist strategy/struggle for the inclusion of their language in the Eighth Schedule.(1)

Similarly, besides Assamese, there are Bodo, Karbi, Rabha, Garo languages in Assam that are exclusively spoken by tribals and in which literature is being created. This literature has mainly come to the fore through little magazines. Having no separate scripts of their own, the speakers of these languages began writing borrowing Assamese or Roman scripts; now they have even modified and adapted Devnagari for the purpose of writing. They have kept their languages not only alive but have also enriched them through the medium of little magazines and newspapers. Apart from Bodo, all other tribal languages of Northeastern states are non-scheduled. Bodos had put up an unprecedented fight for Bodo language. Bodo-speakers not only wrote their stories, poems, myths, folk songs, travelogues, biographies and plays in hundreds but they have also translated the classics from Hindi, Sanskrit and English into Bodo. Most of their literature was published in little magazines, dailies and fortnightly newspapers. Through their struggle, Bodo people compelled the state government to make provision for their education in their mother tongue. They directed their intellectual movement through little magazines; or in other words, this intellectual movement was possible because of little magazines and newspapers. Bodo language too has been included in the Eighth Schedule recently. State administration and Government did not support the growth of Bodo literature. Primarily co-coordinated by Bodo Sahitya Sabha, its success has been the result of the collective effort of Bodo society, intellectuals, public, workers and little magazines.

If people in Arunachal Pradesh write in Assamese, Devnagari and Roman script; people in Meghalaya use Roman script for Khasi language. All the languages of Northeastern states, in which literature is being written, are growing either with the help of several little magazines or because of state patronage to their efforts – the Center is still ignoring them. As all other languages among eight Northeastern states, except Bodo, are non-scheduled, the intellectuals of these states are worried about their getting extinct, despite recognition by the respective states.

M.R. Lahary traces the reason for this crisis of non-scheduled languages, barring a few, in their not being the media of education by which they could have been conserved or nurtured.(2) The government is utterly indifferent to their conservation or their being the media of education. There is also something else to this ‘demise’ of these languages. It inheres in the adoption, by the native speakers, of other languages at the cost of their own language. Bilingualism prevails in fifty percent of the tribals. Two contradictory forces are at work within one language/linguistic community–the forces of continuity (holding on to) and that of change. Both of these forces work together. If on the one hand the force of custody conserves the language, the force of change, on the other hand, destroys it. There has been a mushrooming of new contact languages at many places in tribal areas. Actually, whenever a language becomes the medium of education or the medium of literature, it enriches itself by borrowing words from other languages, and never dies.

If non-scheduled languages fulfill any of the following conditions, the possibility of it subjugation by another language is nullified:–



1. Language as medium of education, in other words existence of enough avenues for education and development in mother tongue

2. Language as medium of written literature and medium of compilation of folk literature

3. Validation of the usefulness of the language and its constant use in practice by its native speakers

The fulfillment of first condition normally rests with the government, especially with the Central government. Personal efforts at social level can also be fruitful in achieving it. Speakers of Bodo and Santali, by creating literature in these languages and by adopting methods of agitation, succeeded in getting these languages as media of education, and also got them enlisted in the eighth schedule. In Bengal, it was the state government that took initiative in making Santali the medium of education. Santali people have even evolved their own script. Following them, scripts have also been developed for Kudux and Ho languages in Jharkhand, and a large amount of literature is being written in these languages. However, all these efforts are being carried out at social and literary front exclusively. Little magazines are making a significant contribution in this.

R. P. Lama, a Lepcha expert and speaker, quoting from Sir George Grierson’s book Linguistic Survey of India, opines, “India has 179 major languages and 544 dialects spoken by different groups and subgroups. Out of the 18 Indian languages constitutionally recognized by the Govt. of India as National languages, no tribal language has found a place.”3 Though Bodo and Santali have since been listed in the Eighth Schedule, yet this is not enough.

According to Ganesh N. Devy, “9 crore tribals, 6 crore nomads – that is approximately14-15 crore tribal people are being displaced in the name of development. One or two percent of the people that form the ‘creamy layer’ have hijacked everything out of them. The government doesn’t have any concrete plan to conserve these languages. Nevertheless, several important magazines of tribal languages are being published in nine or ten languages. A new interrogative articulation is taking shape in the literature of the entire northeast, and southeast, and also in Munda and Gond literature. It is important for us to understand that tribal literature is emerging as a big challenge to Indian literature. This is not complementary but a complete literature. It straddles at least 90 languages whereas English literature is limited to only one language and European literature to 25 languages. What we have been designating as Indian literature for the past fifty years constitutes only 26 languages, including Pali and Sanskrit.”4

A literature that encapsulates at least three to four thousand years old history and a wonderful diversity and abundance of communities, and is composed in 90 languages doesn’t exist anywhere else in the world – neither in American Black literature, nor Australian nor Negroid. It is a unique chapter in the history of world literature. This is an altogether different phenomenon in world history. Located within such a context, it is a big challenge, not only for the tribals, but also for literature and little magazines, to affect transformation. A challenge that is much bigger in scope than the one that was faced by Black literature. ‘Yudhrat Aam Aadmi,’ as peoples’ magazine and as a movement has taken up this challenge. By publishing their works in original and in translation, the journal has brought this subaltern literature into national limelight with the view to sustain it and transform it into an empowering tool to pressurize the government into changing the policies.

Since the whole of this literature is being written in non-scheduled–and not in scheduled or recognized – languages, it enjoys no facility for the conservation or custody of these languages. The threat that these languages may either become extinct or may be assimilated is very real. All tribal languages in South have already been absorbed or assimilated in the state or regional languages; they no more exist as written languages. Now they either exist as ‘oral’ languages or have been confined to certain places and tribes only. ‘Goreboli’ is a language of nomadic tribes such as Banjara, Lambari etc., and people of these communities speak this language all over the world. They also tend to imbibe the language of the place they go to as a medium of contact. But, despite being the language of 8 crore people, Goreboli is neither accepted as the medium of education nor has it been able to draw the attention of little magazines. However, now they have started writing in their own language and are also bringing out their magazines. The other folk/tribal//local languages of South have, nevertheless, become extinct. At best they only survive as the medium of intra community dialogue here and there.

Jawaharlal Nehru had said, “Language should not be a dividing factor but it should bring us together and each language can help the other languages of India grow through contact and exchange of ideas.”5 Despite Nehru’s lofty thoughts, his government did not pay heed to these languages. Some of the prominent writers, philosophers, intellectuals and linguists of these non-scheduled languages have expressed their dissatisfaction as to this indifference towards these languages.

Nand Dev Verma, a Kokborok speaker and tribal writer from Tripura laments that ‘Rajani Kok’ (the language of the kings) language that Halam tribes have been speaking, along with many other languages of Tripura, has now been reduced to a minority status within its own state.

In a tone of self-criticism in the context of English domination, Desmond Kharmawphlang, a poet from Meghalya says:

My burdensome English learning

Assails me, and the tomb it has become

Laughs and cackles without end6

A poet from Meghalya, who writes poetry in English, says that he can’t recite a poem before an audience comprising his own people nor can he enjoy their applause because they do not know English. So he feels guilty.

Nitai Rabha, a poet from Rabha community alerts his people to speak their own language:–

Trying to speak Lema (Assamese)

You have lost your tongue–your own dialect

Our dialect is deficient in no way

In sweetness

Then why mimic others?

Praban Bargoyari, a Boro writer and an eminent educationist from Assam believes that:–

Except Manipuri, all languages of Indo-monogoloids and Austric groups have been squarely neglected and deprived of their due priority and protection under the provisions of the Constitution of India. I am afraid, such discrimination has encroached upon the fundamental rights of the tribal people of India. In this case, even the fundamental rights of Indian Constitution are found self-contradictory. Whereas the Constitution itself guarantees the rights of preservation, adoption and promotion of their language, culture, and religion etc. to its each and every citizen; on the other hand, it squarely discriminated and except Manipuri, included the highly developed Aryan and Dravidian languages only in the 8th schedule of the Constitution of India.7

The threat to non-scheduled languages has, in fact, agitated the entire intellectual class of the Northeast. They believe this danger is the outcome of those government policies that, in conjunction with the processes of globalization, have always tended to profane the local. Religion is yet another factor that at times endangers the existence of these languages in this region. Sometimes regionalism too hinders the development of these tribal languages.

U. G. Brahma (former M.P.) sees privatization of education as a tool of linguistic imperialism in the Indian context. As a result, he opines, “in a dramatic development, there is a mushroom growth of private educational institutes having non-tribal language as the medium of instruction in tribal area and they have threatened seriously the existence of tribal languages as medium of instruction.”8

As to the question of threat to tribal languages, M. R. Lahary thinks that:–

‘Each of these languages which could not flourish beyond their speaker’s areas due to lack of scope for wider use on national level, is endowed with vital potential to add something to national integration just like drops of water, however small, augment the surface of rivers and streams. Linguistic compartmentalization, chauvinism and snobbery weaken the fabric of national integration. It begets not only misgivings but also dislikes among speakers of different languages.’9

That is why Brahma expects from the government that it “envisage minimum common national programme for the preservation and development of the non-scheduled languages. Terms and conditions should be relaxed to accommodate some more languages in the 8th schedule.” (10)

It is, thus, not only government policies but also cultural assault from outside that endangers these languages. Tribal communities fear that their original languages or their very linguistic core will be sidelined or destroyed in the name of national educational policy. More than five hundred tribes live in India. Of these, 75 tribal groups that live in different states outside Northeast, barring a few, most of them have either lost their language or are on the verge of losing them; in most cases these have been subsumed within the language of the majority.

Casting doubts on the present education policy, U.G. Brahma says:–

‘In one sense the present education policy is technology based job oriented education, where technical education has been given much prominence. It is often said as need based education also. Sometimes, it is feared that something is hiding behind the new education policy of this government. What is being hidden, I am not aware of that. But if it is again to marginalize the tribal languages by way of forceful interaction or silent means of assimilation, then this is not to be considered a part of the education policy. Because, if any policy is adopted that is not in conformity with the basic principle, it never yields a good result… In the last [60] years of our independence, equal and proportionate development could not be possible and large disparities in development level in various aspects between the weaker and stronger sections have been crystallized more.’ (11)

Anil Boro questions, “If a small minority of few thousands enjoy constitutional right to safeguard their language, why not these indigenous languages enjoy the right to safeguard their languages?”(12)

If Jharkhandi Magazines could survive today despite the well orchestrated assault of market economy, the credit for it goes to the linguistic pride of its people and their sustained struggle for it. From the time of undivided Bihar to the creation of present day Jharkhand, all successive governments at the Centre and in the state have been shying away from granting due respect to Jharkhandi languages.

By nurturing a consciousness for mother tongues, the language movement, through little magazines and newspapers, can turn into an enabling resistance towards indifference of the government towards tribal and those languages that are on the verge of extinction. Since it is deep rooted, it can stop any linguistic imperialism – native or foreign; be it internal or external colonialism. This consciousness trickles down to the last unit, at least to the literates. Its benefits also reach those illiterate groups of people whose children and relatives have become educated. These little magazines and newspapers and little booklets have contributed a lot in the development and sustenance of indigenous/tribal languages, in their respective areas. The articles and issues that appear in their own language in these magazines, keep alive their faith even when these people move out of their states. These language magazines thus keep inspiring them to keep their speech and script alive even in the pardes or the alien land. These people continue to publish their language magazine from big cities like Mumbai, Chennai, Kolkatta, and Gawhati etc. A large number of such little magazines of distant and far-flung languages are also printed in Delhi and other big cities; these keep intact their touch with their own language even after moving to Delhi or Bombay or any other big city. They earn their livelihood through Hindi or English; they even converse in these languages but think, plan, protest and resolve in their own language. And it is this that keeps their languages alive. Consequently, our priority should be the encouragement of their ‘language’ literature, whether in original or in translation, through the medium of little magazines and string them – the non-scheduled, unlisted or listed, indigenous languages – together symbiotically and relationally, so that they can enrich major languages and get enriched in turn through them. Linguistic democracy is only possible if the major language works with the intention of enriching, and in turn getting enriched by other language, and not with the intention of swamping or killing it.

Once upon a time, realizing Bangla’s hegemony, Assamese speakers rose in protest against it. It was only because of this struggle for language pride in the wake of the awakening of language consciousness, that underdeveloped/backward languages could remain alive. Assamese also got its due place. Kokborok in Tripura and Mizo in Mizoram could become state-languages because of the affirmative polices of the respective governments. In Arunachal Pradesh, Hindi or Assamese are used as official languages. There is no place for indigenous languages despite they being a dozen in number. The Apatani and Aadi-Sherdukpen speaking tribes have started writing in Hindi, Assamese or English out of shear compulsion, for their languages neither enjoy any patronage, nor do they have any script. But why is it so?

One can enumerate many reasons for this state of affairs. One of the major reason among these is the non-existence of scripts in these languages. People in northeast have, nevertheless, begun scripting the literature in their own language by adopting the Roman or Devnagari script or of some of other major regional languages. As a result their languages and dialects are still safe. By using diacritical marks in consonance with their own sounds and symbols on the available scripts, they have improvised a language that is grammatically and phonetically viable – and have started writing their literature in it. This is how they have inked their literature. All these however are individual initiatives. There has been no help, whatsoever, from the government. This love for their language has not only made them conscious about it, but has also taught them to oppose linguistic authoritarianism. They have turned rebels. The protest against Hindi in South, Bengali in Assam, and revolt against Assamese by tribal people are signs of emerging language consciousness/identity.

Tribal communities are not opportunistic like the mainstream communities. It is free from casteism or middle class mentality. Though weak economically and politically, it is nevertheless equipped with the feeling of equality and co-operation. It is this awareness of one’s identity and self-respect that has forced the Dalits to struggle. Dalits didn’t have any identity on the language plane; for them the issue of freedom, which could get them identity and self-respect, was more important than the issue of language identity. Nevertheless, on literary front they are engaged in struggle on ‘art-for-art’ and ‘art-for-life’ sake issues, or in other words, on the issues of form and content versus reality and authenticity.

The middle class of Hindi belt possesses the resources of Hindi and English to earn its livelihood and to improve its life-style, but the tribals – located on the lowest rung of the ladder–have no option other than limited reservation. It is therefore imperative to create opportunities for them in their own language.

Imperial thinking is authoritarian; it not only usurps the languages but also creates animosity among them. Translation is a necessary condition for the growth of languages and to crash language imperialism. Translation has the potential to link and acquaint languages with each other in ways that they can stand together against the domination of any one language.

Even in other countries the middle class remains an opportunistic class. Poor or rich, high caste or low, majority people of Hindi belt are the custodians and propagators of middle class mentality. And it is this middle class that ironically revolts as well as leads too. In the process of fine-tuning Hindi into an administrative/state language, the intellectuals and writers of Hindi have made it lean heavily on Sanskrit. Consequently, it is no more a language of the common people. On the other hand, genuine Hindi, a combination of Khariboli and Urdu, and tampered with by the local dialects, which was known as Hindustani – has become Janbhasa, or the language of the masses. It is this Hindustani that is in fact used as link language throughout the country. The so called stalwarts of Hindi belt, in their maneuvers to prove Urdu as the language of the Muslims, have wittingly or unwittingly, turned Hindi into the language of Hindus. To our great surprise this very Hindi became our national or administrative language. It also became the self proclaimed language of great literature, and common man’s language, i.e., Hindustani, was reduced into the language of folk or inferior literature. The priority should have been the development of people’s language. It was this language that originating in dakhini dialect had joined hand with Urdu to evolve into khariboli. The original khariboli had words from all the dialects which are either used/spoken in various pronunciations in different languages including Panjabi or are still intact/present in their original form even today. The words of khariboli are present in Marathi and Gujarati too. But after donning the robe of Sanskrit it has attained the status of bhasa or language and has attained status as national language, but, in the process, has got severed from the jan or the people.

The new generation of the present is busy acquiring employment friendly language or languages and it is in these languages that literature is being written. Having been accepted by government job and global market it has also become the language of media, and is once again changing its contours.

If we want to save/conserve these languages/dialects then it calls for ushering in of language democracy and creation of opportunities for non-scheduled languages. Though it can be achieved easily and swiftly with the help of the concerned state, if and only if the state can provide for need based education in the medium of these languages and it also encourages literature created in these languages, yet even without government support a desire to protect their language identity and culture has kindled the consciousness of tribals and has led them to produce realistic and issue oriented literature incorporating new cultural values. The spread of education and availability of scripts in a few languages, coupled with an awareness of impending danger to their identity, has whetted their consciousness with a hunger for writing and publication in these languages. They have effectively employed little magazines and newspapers as media to raise these issues.

If every magazine dedicates a few pages to any one of these non-scheduled languages for translation, language sisterhood could be created. The authoritarian, imperialistic language bias creates animosity among languages because by imposing itself on other it tends to usurp the other; the language sisterhood, on the other hand, promotes the tendency to reciprocate, or mutual give and take among languages. It believes in democracy where every one has the right to live and let live and grow together. Through translation, little magazines can create an atmosphere of linguistic sisterhood and unity among them.

1 Since the writing of this work, Santali has been included in the Eighth Schedule of the Constitution.

2 For details see M.R. Lahary, “Future of Unscheduled Tribal Languages,” Sannidhi, 34-44.

3 George Grierson quoted in R. P. Lama,”The Role of Tribal Linguistic Groups in Implementation of Education Policy,” Sannidhi, 51

4 G.N.Devy, “Adivasi Samaj Aur Sahitya Ki Chunautiyan” Yudharat Aam Aadmi: Akhil Bhartiya Adivasi Sahitya Sammelan - Special Issue No 80: .23-24.

5 Jawaharla Nehru quoted in Lama, 49.

6 New Frontiers 2.1 (Winter 2000) 103

7 Praban Bargoyari, “Future of Tribal Languages in 21st Century and Their Role in Strengthening National Integration,” Sanniddi, 46.

8 U. G. Brahma, “Tribal and Their Education: An Overview,” Sannidhi, 10.

9 For details see M.R. Lahary, “Future of Unscheduled Tribal Languages,” Sannidhi, 38-39.

10 U. G. Brahma, “Tribal and Their Education: An Overview,” Sannidh, 10

11 U. G. Brahma, “Tribal and Their Education: An Overview,” Sannidhi, 8.

12 Anil Boro, “Indigenous Languages of North East India: Threats to Their Survival,” Sannidhi, 32.