औरतें जो सपने सच करती है

औरतें जो सपने सच करती है


हमारे देश में साधारणतया कई दॐष्टिकोणों से स्त्राीमुङ्कित की अवधारणा तौली जाती है। ऐसे तो मुङ्कित की तरह ही स्त्राीमुङ्कित की भी कई अवधारणाएं हो सकती हैं, चूंकि प्रत्येक व्यङ्कित अपनी मुङ्कित की अलग अवधारणा रख सकता है। सापेक्षिक सिद्घांत के अन्तर्गत मुङ्कित को लेकर सबके अपनेअपने सपने हो सकते हैं। इसके बावजूद कुछ साझे मुद्दे ऐसे हैं, जो सभी के लिए समान हो सकते हैं। हालांकि कभीकभी देशकाल या भिन्न संदर्भों में भी ये सांझे मुद्दे या उनकी प्राथमिकताएं बदल जाया करती हैं। राजनीति या समाज के सामाजिक, आर्थिक या सांस्कॐतिक क्षेत्राों में स्त्राी ने प्रवेश करके यह सिद्घ कर दिया है कि वह सपने पूरा करने में सक्षम है। भले ऐसी स्त्रिायों की संख्या कम है। किन्तु वे समाज को एक आदर्श देकर प्रेरणा का स्रोत बनी हैं।

यदि मनुष्य महत्वाकांक्षी न हो तो वह मुर्दा कहलाता है और जो कौम सपने न देखे वह भी मुर्दा ही होती है। स्त्रिायां भी सपने देखती हैं, भले व्यावहार में उन्हें सपने देखने और उन्हें साकार करने की इजाज.त समाज ने नहीं दी,ङ्कयह एक हकीकत है कि पुरुषों के समान ही स्त्रिायां भी महत्वाकांक्षी होती हैं। वे भी सत्ताा हासिल करना चाहती हैंङ्कमाध्यम चाहे समाजसेवा हो, बिजनैस, बाजार या राजनीति अथवा सांस्कॐतिक मंच या फिर खुद अपना ही घर। वे कामयाब नहीं हो पातींङ्कये अलग बात है। जब स्त्राीमुङ्कित की अवधारणा इस रूप में नहीं पनपी थी, जिस रूप में आज हैङ्कउस युग में भी स्त्रिायों ने मुक्ति के सपने देखे हैं। यहां तक कि रजि या बेगम उस सपने के लिए मारी भी गयीं। ङ्कल्योपाट्रा ने पुरुषों को एहसास कराया कि स्त्राी के स्त्राीत्व की अपनी एक ताकत और सत्ताा होती है, जो पुरुष के शाऊनिज्म को पछाड सकती है। अपनी देह को एक हथियार बनाकर रूस की स्त्रिायों ने देश के लिए खुद को खतरों के हवाले कर, हिटलर के सामने भी मुश्किलें पैदा कर दी थीं। वे उनके खेमे में घुसकर, सेना के भेद लाने एवं देश को बचाने के लिए मर्यादा एवं नैतिकता जैसी सभी सीमाएं उलांघ गईं थीं। भारत में भी आई.एन.ए. की लक्ष्मीबाई एक ज्वलंत उदाहरण है। इन्दिरागांधी भी राजनीति दांवपेच में कम कुशल नहीं थीङ्कभले हमसे उनके विचार न मिलते हों किंतु उनकी कुशलता, स्टेट्‌समैनशिप और जनप्रियता को नकारा नहीं जा सकता।

पिछले लेख का शेष भाग.........

स्त्रियाँ


स्वावलम्बी कामकाजी स्त्रियाँ जो हीनभावना के कारण मुक्त नहीं हो पाती।


इस श्रेणी में वे मध्यमवर्गीय कामकाजी स्त्रियाँ आती हैं, जो कामकाजी होने के कारण स्वावलम्बी होती हैं। वे मुङ्कित की इच्छा और अस्मिता का अहसास भी उन्हें कचोटता है। वे अपना आत्मसम्मान निर्मित कर चुकी होती हैं चूंकि वे परिवार का दायरा तोड.कर कामकाजी महिलाएं बनी होती हैं। इसलिए वे छोटेमोटे निर्णय लेने की क्षमता भी हासिल कर लेती हैं। परिवार की अतिरिक्त  आमदनी का जरिया बन जाने के चलते, वे परिवार में विशेष रुतबा  भी पा जाती हैं। बावजूद इसके वे परिवार सम्बन्धी या खुद अपने या अपनी सन्तान के लिए बड़े  निर्णय लेने से घबराती या कतराती रहती हैं। दरअसल ये स्त्रिायां एक तरफ अपने धर्म व सांस्कृतिक  सामाजिक दवाब के कारण, तो दूसरी तरफ औरत होने की अपनी हीनग्रन्थि से इतनी त्रस्त होती हैं कि उनमें आत्मविश्वास की कमी पनप जाती है। वे सामाजिक वर्जनाओं व सामाजिक निंदाओं से त्रस्त और भयभीत ही नहीं रहतीं बल्कि वे धार्मिक अन्धविश्वासों, पापबोध और अपराधबोध की ग्रंथियों की भी शिकार होती हैं। ऐसी महिलाएं अधिकतर कुंठित रहती हैं। कभीकभार तो किन्हीं किन्हीं के इतर सम्बन्ध  भी पर्दे के पीछे चलते रहते हैं, जिसके चलते प्रेमियों व सहकर्मियों द्वारा उनका गुहादोहन भी होता रहता है। ऐसी स्त्रियाँ पति की भी चुपचाप मार खाती रहती हैं। वे प्रायः मनोरोगों का शिकार भी हो जाती हैं। मैंने कई उच्च पदों पर आसीन स्त्रियाँ को पति की हिंसा का शिकार होते देखा हैं। इसके बावजूद वे पति के विरूद्घ कोई प्रतिरोध दर्ज नहीं करतीं या कराती इसलिए कि वे  खुद  को अपराधी  मानती है।
कार्यस्थल से घर पहुँचने में देरी होने पर पति और पारिवार की शंका का विष उन्हें प्रतिदिन पीना पढ़ता है और समाज की उंगलियां भी झेलनी पढ़ती हैं, फिर भी वे विद्रोह नहीं कर पातीं। अति होने पर वे आत्महत्या तक कर लेती हैं या फिर घर से भाग जाती हैं, किंतु अधिकांश उस नर्क को भोगती रहती हैं।  संगठन बनने से अपने कोटर से बाहर निकल सकती हैं। ऐसी स्त्रिायां प्रायः आत्मदया व अपराधबोध की ग्रन्थि को भी ताउम्र पोसती और जीती रहती हैं।

ऐसी साक्षर पड़ी - लिखी स्त्रियाँ जिन्हें इच्छा शक्ति कि कमी मुक्त नहीं होने देती

ऐसी स्त्रियाँ जो मुक्ति से अवगत तो हैं - मुक्त होना भी चाहती हैं लेकिन इच्छा शक्ति कि कमी के कारण वे परिवार कि इज्ज़त, तथाकथित स्त्रिवत मर्यादा, संतान कि ममता के चक्रव्यूह तथा समाज और धर्म के भय के दायरे से बहार नहीं निकल पातीं हैं. वे घरेलू, हिंसा, प्रताड़ना और अपमान को दम साधकर दुखी मन से सहती रहती हैं पर उसके विरुध्द विद्रोह नहीं कर पातीं. सामाजिक बदनामी या निंदा, धार्मिक वर्जनाओं और अंधविश्वासों का दर तो उनमे व्याप्त होता ही है, लेकिन परिवार और पति पर पूरी तरह आर्त्जिक निर्भरता भी उनकी इस दुविधा और दुर्गति का एक कारण बड़ा कारण है. माता - पिता भी उन्हें पतियों के भरोसे ही छोड़ देते हैं.

स्त्री-मुक्ति विमर्श से अनजान पर स्वालम्बी सर्वहारा स्त्रियां

बहिष्कृत, निम्नजातीय सर्वहारा, स्वालम्बी व इज्जत के छद्म मिथक तथा मनुवादी वर्जनाओं से मुक्त स्त्रियां, स्त्री-मुक्ति  विमर्श से तो परिचित नहीं होतीं, किंतु वे स्वावलम्बी होती हैं। समाज से बहिष्कृत यह तबका निम्न समझा जाता है और कठिन श्रम करता है। औरतों के प्रति इनके अपने सामाजिक नियम भारत की शेष उच्चवर्णीय आबादी की तरह कठोर व जड. नहीं होते। वे ढीले व व्यवहारिक होते हैं और औरतों के प्रति संवेदनशील भी। इस तबके की औरतें खेतोंखलिहानों, कारखानोंखदानों, रोड, भवन, बांट्ठा आदि में श्रम बेच कर जीविका चलाती हैं। वे अपनी कमाई से परिवार का पोषण करने में बराबर की भागीदारी करती हैं। देह से वे पारिवारिक व अपने समाज की वर्जनाओंतर्जनाओं के कारण उतनी गुलाम नहीं होतीं, जितनी अन्य मध्यवर्गीय औरतें या गॐहणियां होती हैं।

इस वर्ग की औरतें पति से न पटने पर उसे नकार सकती हैं, छोड सकती हैं और अपना अलग घर बसा सकती हैं या अपनी शर्तों पर दूसरे मर्द के यहां बैठ सकती हैं। अपनी मर्जी से ब्याह कर सकती हैं। पति की हिंसा सहती हैं पर वे उलट कर जवाब भी दे लेती हैं। वे प्रतिरोध करती हैंङ्कबिना यह जाने की यह स्त्राीमुक्ति का नारा है।

 

झूठी इज्जत का मिथ न तो उन्हें पति बदलने से रोकता है और ना ही दूसरा पति करने से । बच्चों का मोह भी उन्हें घर या परिवार से बांधकर नहीं रखता। इन वर्गों की औरतें अपने बच्चों के साथ दूसरे मर्द के यहां बैठती हैं, जिन्हें पालने का दायित्व दूसरे मर्द का होता है। इसे ऐसा भी कह सकते हैं कि दूसरा मर्द औरत को उसके बच्चों के साथ स्वीकारता है, उसे दागी या अपवित्रा नहीं मानता। ये खुद कमाती हैं, इसलिए इन्हें यह चिन्ता नहीं सताती कि मर्द के छोड. देने पर कैसे गुजर होगी या ये कहाँ जायेगी? वे सौंदर्य की कसौटी पर खुद को नहीं कसतीं बल्कि श्रम की कसौटी पर अपनी देह को परखती हैं। प्रयास करने पर या जरूरत होने पर वे संगठित भी होती हैं। इनकी मुख्य समस्या गरीबी, भूख और जाति है। समाज में वे लिंग और जाति के कारण दोयम नम्बर पर हैंङ्कइसका अहसास इन्हें है, पर यह उतना तीव्र नहीं है कि वे व्रिदोह पर उतारू हो जाएं। औंरतों को मिलने वाले दुःख व अन्याय तथा जुल्म को ये 'भाग्य का फल* या 'गरीबी का परिणाम* मान कर सहती हैं।

ऐसी औरतों का दबंगों या सवर्णो द्वारा जबरन दैहिक शोषण किया जाना आम बात होती है। इन स्त्रिायों का अपनी कोख पर इस जबरदस्ती के चलते अधिकार नहीं होता। इस मायने में इनके संदर्भ में देह की स्वतन्त्राता बेमानी हो जाती है। इसके बावजूद उनमें जुल्म की समझ होती है, भले स्त्राीमुङ्कित की किसी भी स्तर की अवधारणा की समझ उनमें न हो। जुल्म या जबरदस्ती का अहसास होने पर वे अवसर मिलते ही प्रतिकार करने पर आमादा हो जाती हैं।

इस वर्ग की औरतें बलात्कॐत या प्रताडि त होने पर अपराधबोट्ठा या शुचितग्रन्थि से ग्रसित नहीं होतीं, ना ही वे मनमसोस कर घर में बैठ जाती हैं। वे जुल्म का प्रतिरोध करते हुए खटनेकमाने के लिए भी निकल जाती हैं। उनका परिवार और पति बलात्कॐत औरत को नकारता नहीं बल्कि उसके साथ मिलकर जुल्म के खिलाफ संघर्ष करता है।

विचार विमर्श

मुक्ति के सपने देखती औरतों का अलग अलग धरातल


पाठकों, आज हम अपने ब्लॉग में स्त्री मुक्ति के उन्मुक्त गगन में पंख फड़फड़ाने की इच्छुक महिलाओं की आर्थिक वैचारिक सीमाओं के आधार पर उनका एक ठोस वर्गीकरण करने की श्रृंखला जारी करने जा रहे हैं. आप सभी चेतनाशील एवं प्रबुध्ध पाठकों से अनुरोध है की इस वैश्लेषिक वर्गीकरण पर अपनी राइ और अपने मतभेद प्रेषित करें ताकी हम एक स्वस्थ विचार विमर्श के जरिये एक और अधिक उच्च वैज्ञानिक धरातल पर खड़े हो सकें. हमारा पहली श्रेणी है:



औरतें जो मुक्ति का अर्थ नहींजानती हैं



भारत की स्त्रियों में स्त्रीविमर्श के दृष्टिकोण से स्त्रीमुक्ति की प्रचलित समझ के स्तर को निश्चित खांचों या खानों में बांटना तो कठिन है लेकिन वर्तमान स्थितियों, परिस्थितियों के आधार पर स्त्रिायों की समझ, सोच व अवधारणा के विभिन्न स्तर व रूझानों को चिधित तो किया ही जा सकता है। भारत में मुक्ति की यह सोच ऊपर के तबके की स्त्रियों में कुछ हद तक जरूर काफी व्याप गई है, भले वह अभी भी अधकचरी समझ ही है। करोड़ों स्त्रियाँ इस सोच से अनजान हैं कि ये भी कटु सत्य है। आज स्त्री विमर्श और स्त्री मुक्ति का सपना ऊंची उड़ने भरने के लिए अपने डैने फड़फड़ा कर खुद को गतिमान बनाने की मुहिम चलाने में तो कामयाब हुआ है लेकिन यथार्थ के धरातल पर ये सपने कितने परवान चढ़े उनकी वस्तुस्थिति क्या है इसे परखना जरूरी है।

औरत का पक्ष?

(शक्तिप्रसंग,मनोज कुमार)


भारत में कबीर जैसे जातितोड़क, व्यवस्थाविरोधी, क्रान्तिकारी कवि भी स्त्री के प्रति कटु हैं। वे तो स्त्री की तुलना 'नरककुण्ड' से करते हैं। दरअसल खुद को स्त्री के आकर्षण से मुक्त करने में अक्षम होने के कारण हर पुरुष स्त्री पर ही सारा दोष मढ़ कर, खुद को सुरखरू माने लगता है.  कबीर भी ऐसे ही अंदाज में ही कुछ करते हैं । आज भी तो यही हो रहा है। पुरुष बलात्कार करते हैं, युवा लडकियों से छेडखानी करते पकडे जाते हैं. वे युवा लडकियों की ड्रेस, पहनावे केशविन्यास या हावभाव पर ही दोष मढ कर खुद को निर्दोष साबित करने लगते हैं। उनका आरोप होता हैं की लडकियां ऐसे उत्तोजित करने वाले कपड़े पहनती हैं, इसलिए हम उत्तोजित हो जाते हैं. "इसमें हमारा क्या  दोष?"

यदि हम पूरे विश्व की सभ्याताओं को खंगालें, तो इक्का दुक्का अपवाद छोड कर विश्व में स्त्रियों  के प्रति अपने काले इरादों से लैस कतार में लगी अनेकों सभ्यताएं ही नज़र आती हैं।

इन सारी सभ्याताओं में एक इजिप्ट ही ऐसा देश है, जहां औरत को ऊँचा दर्जा दिया गया था। वहाँ प्रेमविवाह को भी स्वीकृति मिली हुई है । बाकी सब सभ्यताएं तो औरत की इच्छाओं को निरर्थक ही मानती रही हैं।

हाँ, कतिपय आदिवासी समाजों में प्रेम विवाह, शादी से पहले यौन सम्बंध या सन्तान उत्पति को अवैध नहीं माना जाता। वहाँ स्त्री पुरुष सम्मिलन हेतु 'घोटुल' व्यवस्था भी थी । मिजोराम के कई कबीलों में लडके को शादी के पहले अपनी योग्यता व सामर्थ्य सिद्घ करने के लिए मातापिता के साथ सोई लडकी को सहवास करने के लिए चुपचाप बुलाकर ले आना होता है। यदि वह ऐसा करने में सफल नहीं हो पाता, तो उस लडकी की शादी उस लडके से नहीं की जाती।

नेपोलियन ने सिपाही पैदा करना  स्त्री का धर्म बताया था।

वाम आन्दोलन तक ने भी रूस में औरतों को ज्यादा बच्चे पैदा करने की सलाह और हिदायत दी थी कि देश में उत्पादन बढे ! मानो कि औरत बच्चा पैदा करने की मशीन हो! माना कि यह हिदायत देश के हित में थी पर औरत का पक्ष?

Tribal Issues : Appraisal and Intervention

TRANSLATOR’S NOTE

It is a delight to go through Ramnika Gupta’s original work

in Hindi. Her concerns, invariably activist and

interventionist in scope, are people oriented. Straddling across genres–poetry, short stories, biography, prose essays, criticism, and journalism – her creative and critical corpus evolves around the socio-political, economic and existential plight of people at the margins–Adivases, dalits, and women. Even among them, she is particularly concerned with yudhrat aam adami, the common people–workers in mines, domestic and industrial labour, dislocated tribals, disadvantaged women–who are consciously and actively engaged in struggles that don’t stop at mere survival but go far beyond to achieve one’s rightful place/space in the socio-economic and political scheme of things.

Ramnika Gupta may not share the same location, but she, as a co-participant in the plight of people and as an involved activist, understands and empathizes with them. Her advocacy of their concerns is genuine, not patronizing. And it shows in her creative and critical writings. There is a kind of hard-hitting frankness and sincerity about whatever she does or writes about. Instead of engaging the readers in the flourish of language, she has the habit of engaging them directly with the topic at hand. This habit of calling a spade a spade and the attendant sincerity of purpose is not a mere posturing, intellectual fad or a political/marketing gimmick with her, it springs from a sense of commitment that is attendant on an excruciating process of negating the self by putting it on public display, not as a self-aggrandizing spectacle but as a text that reflects the mechanization of the colonial-patriarchal society on its subject. Her autobiographical sketches are a testimony to this. Her long career as a trade union activist further reiterates this fact.

This quality of negating the self and being one with the disadvantaged ‘other(s)’ is indeed remarkable, given the reality of Indian context. Within the conservative milieu, with its more often than not hypocritical ethos, an outspoken and an outgoing woman is always faced with derogatory insinuations. In fact, it is one of the hardest challenges a woman activist still faces in India. An average woman may find herself dissipated at this initial stage itself. It is rare, if one doesn’t take up the easier options offered by ‘sponsored’ NGOs now days, for a woman to overcome this initial hurdle dispassionately and tread the un-trodden paths that demand immediate and utmost attention and priority. Ramnika Gupta is aware of this onerous task and commitment that it demands, especially from women, when she says: “From us, who talk of equality and seek job parity, this issue demands a commitment: let us shed our ‘touch-me-not’ image, and as competent women, adapt ourselves for every task and make ourselves capable of taking risks. And I can say this on the basis of my own experiences that this ‘touch-me-not-complex’ is typically middle class syndrome.” Raminka Gupta does not only lead by example, but also, in the process, raises many pertinent questions with regard to our priorities as responsible citizens, and also our methodologies for social intervention. She is not an armchair ‘revolutionary’, neither is activism social luxury for her.

Her activist writings are a treasure trove of information. She believes in extensive documentation of issues, facts and data to delineate and substantiate her concerns. These facts have been gleaned from her first hand experiences and encounters as a trade union leader and a politician, her engagement and involvement as a fellow writer, translator and commentator on dalit and adivasi writing, its texts and contexts, and an extensive study of the published material. Most of the essays in this book are an outcome of her engagement with these issues as an editor of Yudhrat Aam Adami, both as peoples’ movement and a journal (in Hindi) that documents Ambedkrite, Indigenous and Peoples’ literature. These essays also reflect the focus of her eponymous foundation.

A well-known figure in Hindi belt, it is high time her works were also introduced to the wider world. This objective and need informs this translation. The need to shake off the complacency of the English speaking middle class elite – the bedrock of LPG forces that threaten to further marginalize the already marginalized – and to sensitise them to the reality of the marginalized masses and their problems is an express purpose of this translation.

In the essays included in this anthology Ramnika Gupta’s socially oriented reflections are generally underlined by a threefold purpose: construction, critique and conditioning. She critiques the ignorance of the mainstream classes and the indifference of the mainstream power clique to the condition of the margins. She constructs or showcases the world-view, aspirations and inspirations of the margins so as to inform and expand the horizons of her prospective readers. In other words, having jolted them out of their smugness and privileged but narrow locations, Ramnika Gupta’s writings condition her prospective readers to empathizely connect with and enter into the life world and mindset of the margins. That this conditioning is affected for a particular purpose and from a particular ideological location comes across loud and clear in her writings; it is not present in her writing as a hidden agenda. It makes her writings transparent and purposeful, even prophetic. If the plight of the people present in her writings is not heeded to, if the mainstream keeps appropriating or hegemonising their culture and life mores or if it fails to safeguard their political and social interest and aspirations, or if it keeps on exploiting them unabated for its own vested interests; the consequences can be fatal for the multicultural fabric of India as a nation. The repetitive and often rhetorical loudness in Ramnika Gupta’s prose, if seen in this context, comes out as a well thought out strategy on her part to catch hold of the smug reader by the collar and drill into his/her consciousness a worldview he /she is perilously ignorant of.

Her essays have been an eye opener for me and I hope that this translation will go a long way to illuminate the consciousness of many more.

Anup Beniwal

ADIVASIS : THE PRECURSORS OF THE FREEDOM STRUGGLE OF 1857

150th anniversary of 1857 or the First War of India’s

Independence is being celebrated this year. As documented

in history, it was a time when the Indian Raja's, feudal lords and nawabs took upon themselves to drive away the British from India. It is true that the people of the country sided and cooperated with the Raja's in this struggle. The historians have however failed to document one of the most significant facts of this history, viz., the participation and contribution of the indigenous people/Adivasis in this struggle. Adivasis were in fact the precursors or initiators of the armed rebellion against the British, but historians have conveniently ignored this fact. In fact, just a year ago, in 2005, we celebrated the 150th anniversary of Sido Kanhu’s call to Santal Hool, in Jharkhand.

Adivasi-warriors never turned away from the battlefield, they fought to the end. A dead leader would be immediately replaced by another so as to lead one’s contingent. Considering that they were no monarchs but ordinary people, this was a singularly remarkable feat. Their leadership was not hereditary; each one was a potential leader.

Today let’s salute the heroes of that freedom struggle and recall those Adivasi-warriors from north-east to extreme south-west, who either took part in the war of 1857 or who, in their unique ways, continued to resist the British before the war in 1857 or long after it was over, died fighting, accepted the noose without yielding – and did not side with the British out of avarice.

Even before 1857 the Adivasi-communities had, at their own levels, engaged the British in many amazing battles throughout India so as to dissuade them from settling down (in India). For three-quarters of a century, starting at the end of 18th century, Adivasis continued to harass the British. The entire Khandesh, an Adivasi-majority region that nestles in the lap of Satpuras, had turned against the British in 1825. The British could not bring peace to the region despite the power of their money (in the form of wages) or munitions. Adivasi battles continued into the 20th century.

This chain of tribal rebellions has a past that precedes 1857 by many years. It all began in 1766, ninety years before 1857, in Nala, Jamtara and Kundahint in Jharkhand where the rebellion against the British had erupted under the leadership of Ramna Alhari (Paharia). This came to be known as Paharia revolt. It continued till 1778. Tracing the history of tribal revolts, Manmohan Pargi adds: “The Adivasis of Pune-Nasik region in Maharashtra also share the honour of rising in struggle against the British.”

Following Paharia resistance, Rani Shaveshwari raised the banner of revolt in 1781. Baba Tilka Majhi raised a battalion of, soldiers, and raiding Bhagalpur in the first week of 1784, took many adjoining areas under his control. He also fought many battles in the region of Munger and Santal parganas. Baba Tilka had arrowed to death Augustus Cleavland, the Commissioner of Bhagalpur, when he saw him molesting an Adivasi girl. Tightly securing his hands and feet with ropes, the English fastened Tilka Majhi to four horses and dragged him all the way from Sultanpur to Bhagalpur. Even then Tilka Majhi did not die. He was ultimately hanged on a Tree at the Bhagalpur Square.

Vishnu Maanki led the Bundu revolt against the British from 1797 to 1798, and Dhukkhan Maanki kept alive the sparks of this rebellion in Tamar from 1800 to 1808 till it virtually turned into a conflagration. This Munda revolt of Tamar continued unabated during 1819-20. During the same period, Rugdev and Konta Munda triggered the Kol revolt, and Ho revolt also happened the same year; the fire of revolts thus engulfed the British in Jharkhand. In the Kol revolt of 1828-1832, under the leadership of Bindrai and Singhrai, the Kol rebels took control of the king’s palace. The Adivasis had thus succeeded in forming an independent government well before 1857.

In 1854-56, the kettledrums for the great Santal Hool were struck under the leadership of the four Murmu brothers, Sido, Kanho, Chand and Bhairo. It shook the foundations of the foreign empire. The Santal Hool had begun on the night of June 30, 1856 with the slogans – Hool bahar jitkaar, Hool hegal jitkaar. More than ten thousand Adivasis were killed in this uprising. Sido and Kanho were hanged, Chand and Bhairo died fighting. In this uprising masses joined hands with the revolutionaries by contributing clothes, shoes, laathis, pots and pans for drinking water etc., for the cause.

Post 1857, Birsa Munda’s great uprising, Ulgulaan continued unabated from 1895 to 1900. Birsa had envisioned this struggle as an emancipatory class struggle for the destruction of British revenue system and feudal-contractor-moneylender nexus. It's aim was to reclaim tribal rights over forest and land, and to protect Adivasi identity, autonomy and culture. It was, in fact a revolution against the British.

1902 Santal uprising was their last battle. Meanwhile Kharwars, Majhies, Korwas, Kharias, Gonds and Mundas continued with their many rebellions.

While these revolts were unfolding in Jharkhand, various other revolts surfaced elsewhere in the country.

In Bastar, the Bhil revolt against the British was simply amazing. According to Manmohan Paargi in his essay published in Special Issue of Yudhrat Aam Aadmi–Adivasi Swar Aur Nai Shatabdi Part-II–“More than one lac Adivasi-revolutionaries confronted the army of colonel Gamer. The Adivasi heroes were cordoned by deceit, and gunned down. The remaining rebels were rounded up and were hanged from trees at the sadar bazaar of Jagdalpur.” In Madhay Pradesh, the Raja Muria tribals of Angarwara paragna rose in revolt in which the people of Bhatra and Mahra communities had also participated.

India celebrates its Republic Day on 26th January, and its Independence Day on 15th August. But no one celebrates the birth and death anniversaries of brave Sangoli Rayanna whose birth and death incidentally coincides with these dates.

Rani Chinemma, the queen of Kittur, after the death of her husband, had entered into a conflict with the British for safeguarding the rights of her adopted son. She was childless. She was imprisoned. This was the first battle against the British in Karnataka. Rani Chinemma was born 33 years before the famous queen of Jhansi. Rayanna was the revenue-collector of the British. After the queen was taken into custody, he took charge of the revolt and did not let the battle of Kittur slacken. Rayanna organized similarly inclined people throughout the state and carried on with the battle. On 26th January 1933, Rayanna was executed by hanging in Nandgaon. He kissed the noose singing songs of his motherland. The heroic martyrdom of brave Sangoli Rayanna, who was born on 15th August 1794, in the Dhanagar family of Sangoli, in Belgaum district, is unique in the history of Karnataka in India.

From the beginning of 19th century till 1857, for fifty years till the first war of independence, East India Company had to face stiff resistance in the Northeast from Lushai, Singdoh, Jaintia and Kachhari communities under the leadership of Maniram Barua, Tirot Singh, Tikendrajit Singh, U. Kiang Nangbah and Ropuiliani, among others. For forty years, i.e., from 1858 to 1898, the duration that the British administration took to consolidate its hold on the entire Northeast, the people of the region did not let them enjoy peace.

By 1774 the Jaintia king had fought a war with Major Hoenikker that continued till 1821. On 4th April 1829, Tirot Singh attacked the British. He spearheaded a massacre of an entire British post. This started the battle which dragged on for many years. The revolt continued for three years and he was put under house arrest for life. Though many of these people were sacrificed, but they too gave the British a tough fight.

Nangbah, a commoner had closely watched Tirot Singh battling the British. Infact Britisher's prevented Khasis to burry their dead one on the prescribe Shamshan Ghat (Cemetery). They also put a ban on the prevelent custom of bringing weapons in the festivals. This agitated Khasis. They were very much annoyed with these foriegn rulars because of there interfare in their releses matters, custums and life style. Imposition of tax by Britishers on Khasis further deteriorated be setuation and the bar started. Many platoons of the British army were deployed to capture Nangbah. He was caught by deceit and was hanged from a tree in front of a crowd that ran into thousands. Before stepping on to the noose, he is believed to have told his tearful country-folks: ‘If my face turns towards left as they pull the rope, it would mean that you would get independence within 100 years, but if it turns right, you will be slaves forever.’ The freedom came in 1947, well within hundred years. His martyrdom is commemorated even today.

After the death of her husband Vaandula, queen Ropuiliani blew the trumpet of revolt in Mizoram. Though her sons were killed in the battle, she did not yield. She proclaimed that she would drive the English away from Mizoram and would not let her people work like slaves. For the British, she was a born rebel. She was arrested in 1893 and died in jail on January 3, 1895.

Nagaland, Mizoram and Assam in the Northeast are witness to amazing tales of heroism. It is a testimony to their organizational-prowess and skills that the Adivasis of Nagaland managed to attack the British for nineteen years. According to Manmohan Pargi, “282 British officers and soldiers were killed in these attacks. Nagas withstood the might of the British army equipped with modern armaments for five months.”

On the other side in Rajasthan, while the royalty and the elites were busy playing host to the British, Adivasis were challenging the British through their folk songs:–

O white man, why have you

Come to our land;

Go back to your country?

(Yudhrat Aam Admi, Special Issue, Part-1)

The name of Khajya Nayak of Madhya Pradesh would top the list in any discussion on Adivasi-battles against the British in 1857. In Khandesh, Adivasis kept on fighting the English from 1818 to1850. Despite their superior arms and army the British could not decimate these Adivasis. Khajya Nayak was among those heroes who had offered a formidable challenge to the British in 1857. He kept on fighting the English even after 1857. The fact whether he was betrayed or killed by deceit still continues to be debated, but one thing is certain; despite the assurance of clemency, Khajya did not surrender to the British.

Bhima Nayak and Mobasa Nayak were Khajya’s friends. No body knows for certain the antecedents of Bhima Nayak, but he fought the English for ten years. With the death of queen of Jhansi, the revolt of 1857 came to an end in north India. Having reached Narmada, Tantiya Tope too turned back. But both Khajya and Bhima persisted with the battle.

Even when the war of 1857 was over, they continued fighting the British in the region of Nivaad, Khandesh and Nasik till 1867. His country’s independence was the proclaimed aim of Bhima’s exploits. He was arrested in 1867 and exiled from India.

Tantya Bheel comonly known as Tantya Mama was yet another notable revolutionary who was dreaded by the British administration. He was born in Nimad in Madhya Pradesh. The frenzy of the vindictive violence unleashed by the British, in the aftermath of revolution of 1857, had struck terror in the hearts of people. It was at this juncture that Tantya, a Bhil, confronted the English. Two of his associates, Dipya and Bijhnia, were arrested in 1880. Dipya escaped and rejoined Tantya, but Bijhania was hanged to death. There is a famous anecdote about Tantya. The English officer who had come to arrest Tantya happened to be one whom Tantya had escorted home as his luggage carrier. Tantya, a man with steel in his blood, confronted the officer: ‘Sahib, I am Tantya, Won’t you arrest me?’ Hearing this officer was convulsed with terror and he returned to England in fright. Tantya was betrayed by his own dharma bahnoi, the husband of his dharma or rakhee sister on the day he had called on her for rakhee.

It was during the struggle of 1857 when Komurams fought the British for days and nights under the leadership of Ramji. Ramji Gond was arrested and was hanged near Nirmal to death by a tree. The tree is still known as the ‘Ramji Chettu.

The Kuruchia Adivasis of Kerala too fought the British army to the last drop of their blood. Talakkar Chandu was their leader. This brave man kept fighting a British contingent of hundred soldiers till he was fully exhausted. Talakkar Chandu and Nilli, an Adivasi woman were the folk leaders of this movement. Nilli had also raised a separate army of women. Talakkar Chandu was caught and hanged to death.

In the second half of 19th century Govind Guru, besides leading Adivasi movements not only against English rule, but also against native kings and the Begari (forcing village workers to work without wages) practices of jagirdars, had spearheaded social reform movements. Apart from launching anti liquor and pro-female education movements, he also fought against prevalent social evils and violence. He was born in a Banjara family. He established sanmap sabhas among Bhil and Garasia tribes. On the complaint of the native Rajput Raja's, the British raided his dhuni and massacred 1500 Bhils overnight. This massacre was bigger in scale than that of Jallianawala Bagh. This incident took place in Banswara located in Maangarh. Some times in 1880-81. He was imprisoned.

The last armoured battle was probably fought in 1922 under the leadership of Allari Sitaram Raju. His first encounter took place with Trem Nahity. On 25th December 1922 in Damanopalli, Raju and his comrades surrounded the English and killed their officers. Their rebellion is termed as ‘Fituri’ ( a derogatory word) by the English. Sri Ram Raju had avowed that he would drive out the British from the country within a year. He ransacked three thanas (police posts) on August 22-23, 1922 and launched an anti lagan (revenue), anti-liquor and pro-panchayati raj movement that continued for two years.

There are countless tales of revolt and heroism. Today we salute all these Adivasi warriors who participated in the struggle of 1857. We also salute those who ignited the spark of rebellion before 1857, transformed it into a conflagration, and did not let this blaze extinguish even after 1857.

ADIVASI WRITING : AN EMERGING CONSCIOUSNESS

Whereas on the one hand the Adivasi creative

consciousness inheres in the self-articulation of its pains

and in finding its own solutions, on the other it also embeds an awareness of the conspiracy by which the established canon has tried to keep tribal people outside the ambit of civilization. The following extract from Vahru Sonvane’s poem ‘Stage’ provides us with an apt and accurate portrayal of the emerging contours of Adivasi creative consciousness. In this poem the Adivasi poet has etched out those feelings which not only shaped but also helped give vent to his creativity. While defining the emerging-consciousness in Adivasi writing, the poem also underlines the need for such writing, thus:–

.

We did not go up the stage

That was made in our name

Nor were we invited on to it

We were shown

Our place

With pointed finger

And we sat there (obediently)

We were highly appreciated

And ‘they,’ standing on the stage

Kept telling us of our own misery

“But our misery remained ours alone

it was never theirs”

We mumbled – uttered our doubts

“They” listened intently

And roared…

Pulling us by the ear admonished us

“Say sorry… otherwise…”

Along with a creative re-appropriation and self-presentation of one’s pain, it is a consciousness that, piercing the age old silence, seeks to shatter the conventional canonical enclosures and Luxman Rakhas that have been drawn by the dominant. This consciousness inspired them to know their own culture, language, history, geography. They also became aware and wanted to know and investigate everything so that they can expose themselves and their culture to the outside world and say proudly– “Look! As a society our values have neither decayed nor any deformity has seeped into these–We have been living as a community –as a social group or collectivity–we have also been trying to forget the hardships inflicted on us by you by singing and dancing.You shoved us away from civilization–displaced us. We kept intact the mutual dialogue alive through flute and kettledrums. Now this dialogue has erupted as Naada–and the flute has become a ‘flame’. Transcending the limits of language and race we have united with a resolve to enlighten the whole society. Our languages are now armed with pen. We have begun writing. We have become aware of our Identity also. Don’t mislead us by calling us ‘Banwasi's’ or forest-dwellers! We, the primordial inhabitants of earth, were born with nature, grew up and evolved with it. We are the ones who as co-participants and co-contributors believe in conserving nature. We don’t want to dominate or rule it. We believe in co-existence–not in annihilation. We draw subsistence from nature and return back the same to her. We have begun writing now– against our forced dislocation caused by you. We won’t let our identity, our selfpride and selfrespect be destroyed. Living with our distinctive life-mores we would scale the ladder of change in a manner that would equip us to compete with you as equals – we have accepted the challenge to keep pace with civilization while keeping intact our individuality–our simplicity - and our collective identity – we will have to wrest-back our land–our forests from you–we shall learn in our mother tongue so that we, the native habitants, may unite. We shall discover our history. Haven’t you progressed through our martyrdom and our decimation? We will bring this fact/truth to light and shall prove that we were saviors and protectors, not Rakashas i.e. Damonds. We were benevolent–not monsters. The king Mahabali who donated his whole kingdom to disguised Bawan was our ancestor. We never disguise to deceive.”

Since Adivasi writers have scripted the truth of their lives–and have documented their life problems, theirs is a literature of life and not an imaginary tale for entertainment. The have also written about Birsa’s Ulgullan, Santal-Kol uprising, and the execution of Sido Kanhu. Equipped with the Adivasi-consciousness, Bhujang Mesram, a poet from Maharashtra, wrote:

Birsa! you have to arrive from anywhere

Either on sickle that cuts grass

Or on an Axe that cuts the wood

From here or from there

From East-West or North-South

Turning in to the breez of the farm

Come from any where

O My Birsa! people wait for you.

This consciousness imbued them with a sense of freedom, and made them aware of their might/strength (hidden in the clasp of their fist):–

After years the news has broken in the Jungle

A moment ago came across a baya; (bird)

that told of weaving a nest

Like the one built five thousand years ago

Just keep on singing

The songs of liberation.

Hidden in the fist of Jungle

Is an invaluable story (of struggle)

Infused by the self-confidence inherent in this literary awareness or consciousness Mahadev Toppo exhorted thus:–

He would pick up the bow

And

To preserve the green of the forest; the poet of the Jungle

Would beat the drum and blow the flute

Mounting his pen on the bowstring

For Grace Kujur the pen is mightier than the gun:–

What would their guns and bullets accomplish?

Crossing the threshold thousand stories are there

Every nerve, is turning into bow

Just wait for the pen turning in to an arrow.

An Adivasi, when mute, used his arrow to fight injustice. Now he is aware of the fatal potency of the pen and is eagerly looking forward to forge his creative prowess into a weapon, an arrow.

Tribal women too did not lag behind. Whenever she rummages through her history, she comes across a brave female soldier Sinagi Dai, holding on her own, alone in the battlefield against the Mughals. And in appreciation Grace Kujur vents forth:–

This time, if your fingers tremble

Take note

I’ll once again become ‘Singi Dai’

Recollecting the times when they would march forth at jani-shikar to vanquish the enemy, she exhorts every Adivasi-woman, thus:–

Jharkhand truly needs

A formidable janishikar once again.

A tribal is gradually becoming aware of the conspiracy to dislocate and distance him from the mainstream/civilization, and is quick to alert his community about it. Hariram Meena in his poem includes even the aboriginals of Andaman & Nicobar. He is worried about their fast dwindling race. He protests their expulsion from their land thus:–

How would you prove,

In the court of this civilization

That this ‘bhom’ (land) was yours?

Watching the forcible eviction of his people from their land, the poet is agitated by their helplessness, and interrogates them:–

Behold!

They are coming

Your nerves are taut

Your muscles are flexing

Your bows and arrows ready

You are united and one

Yet do nothing

You can strike back

But are afraid

Why – but why?

Indigenous writers want to reform their community, so that empowered it can stand eye to eye with the mainstream.

Nirmala Putul strikes hard at the dead traditions and malpractices prevalent in her own community, when she says:–

Oh just stop that

Don’t utter a word, Sajoni Kisku

I remember when you, in your village Baagjori

Had tilled the land

The throne of deotas

That dwell in Majhi Thaan of our hamlet was shaken

The turban of honour of that empty-headed Hadaam

The hereditary chief, tumble down and was defiled

Then, harnessing you to the yolk

They had ploughed the field.

The monsters

Had made you eat fodder

Tethering you by the peg.

She cautions Chudka Soren:

What quantity of liquor your father had consumed

I am not sure

But the liquor consumed him.

She cautions Chudka about the plain-dwellers, who lure away Adivasi girls:–

What jungle-beast was it Chudka Soren

That fled away with your sister Mungli, who

Had gone to gather fire-wood in the jungle.

In Rajasthan, Adivasi writers, through their research and writing, have been able to resurrect the revolt of Gobind Guru and the martyrdom of Kalibai. Ramesh Chandra Vadera and Khemraj Pargi have traced the history of Gobind Guru and Kalibai through folk songs. Hariram Meena has also explored this theme in his article. Today we know that a massacre bigger in scale than that at Jalianawala had taken place at Maangarh, where the English, in connivance with Rajput chieftains of Rajasthan and Gujarat, had shot dead 1500 Adivasis in a single night in the hills of Maangarh. But this incident remained buried in history. It is only now that it is being documented.

The movement that Gobind Guru, a staunch advocate of education, had spearheaded for establishing of schools for boys and girls, for non payment of taxes to the government and interest to moneylenders, was kept alive by people in their folk songs and folktales; now these are being penned on paper and sculpted in stone by the Adivasi artists.

The following song by Gobind Guru that reverberates through the nooks and corners of Rajasthan turned out to be a prophecy for freedom:–

O Buratia I refuse to acquiesce

My writ runs in Delhi

In Ahmedabad my jajam (seat)

My armies in Jaambu

In Maangarh my dhuni (base)

I recognize him as the chief

Who proclaims

The authority of Gobind Guru

White man I won’t acquiesce…

(Buratia stands of British white man)

Adivasi writers have also tried to unearth the sources of their languages. Moraji Devgam has discovered Mundari words in the languages of Zamibia, Mongolia, Nigeria and Germany. He has even prepared a script for Ho language. It is a manifestation of the energy and awareness of Adivasi writers that they have been making utmost efforts to develop their languages. Santali speakers have invented a script called Olchiki. This script is even being taught in West Bengal. They are now trying to demonstrate that the Mundari language and its ‘dupub’ (root) culture has been the harbinger of universal human society. The search is on for Mundari and Kudux words even in Vedas.

Pitching for his mother tongue, Pushp Pushakar suggests links among Mundari, Khadia, Santali and Ho languages; Devgam, is trying to forge a script for Ho that corresponds to the predominantly oral tradition in Adivasi languages.

Critics like Dr Rajender Thakare, Rose Kerketta, Remis Kandulna, and Doman Sahu “Sameer” have undertaken the evaluation of Adivasi literatures. Lataari Kabru Madaavi, who is engaged in the reappraisal of Ravana, is trying to ‘set right’ the deliberate distortion in the representation of tribal life.

Dr. Gobind Gare in Marathi and Chetanya Prasad Majhi in Orriya, by focusing on the issues of Adivasi dislocation, development and change, and Rajender Singh Munda and Ram Dayal Munda by analyzing in Hindi the political and religious contexts of the tribals, are trying to create a blueprint for Adivasi studies. Dayamani, Vasavi, Bitiya Murmu, Nirmala Putul and Rose Kerketta, in trying to pen Adivasi questions, are trying to problematize them from different angles.

They are showcasing their folk-literature – bringing to the fore anecdotes, legends, folk tales, writing plays and, simultaneously searching for the tales of heroism. If in ‘Haykang (a Bori prayer song), a folksong from Arunachal Pradesh, the priest, while narrating the tale of origin talks about the crime perpetrated on human race by the Creator, then in the ‘dirge of the departed souls’ the soul of the dead lying in the tomb, instead of craving for heaven, desires to return to the land of the living.

Adivasi writers have also made forays in editing and publication. Their papers and magazines are being published in almost all major languages. In Jharkhand alone about 146 magazines in Santali language are being published. The Aravali Udghosh, published from Rajasthan–and that has already inspired two special issues of Yudhtrat Aam Aadmi on Adivasi writing–is an important magazine that showcases most of the Hindi speaking Adivasi writers.

The Adivasi creative ascendance is multifaceted, realistic and has a wide reach or scope. It is a committed writing that aims at social and human well being premised on democratic and egalitarian bonding and equality. While realizing the importance of education this literature is moving ahead with a mission that seeks to educate and create mass awareness, that can ultimately bring an attitudinal change amongs non Adivasis and Adivasis.

Language Identity in Tribal Areas : A Movement

While on the one hand the issue of language identity in tribal

areas has erupted as a movement for sustenance and

claiming Adivasi rights a due place from/within the mainstream, on the other hand within the Hindi society and literature, language identity has always remained an controversial issue. The plight of Tulsidas, though in the context of the dominance of Sanskrit, is well known. Rummaging through history in the present context, we are reminded of Ram Vilas Sharma, who on his reflections on language, had put the concept of Hindi jatiyata or identity before us, and in the course of time, had expanded on it in the three books that he wrote, to present the notion of Hindi belt.

There are thirty-seven dialects in all within the Hindi belt. Ram Vilas Sharma’s notion has posed a great danger to the existence of these dialects and has dealt a blow to ‘language claim’ of dialects such as Braj, Avadhi, Maithali, Bhojpuri, Magadhi, Kanauji, Bagri, Kurmali, Nagpuria, Khorta etc. Because of the pervasiveness of this notion of Hindi (as advanced by Sharma), the claim of these dialects for inclusion in the Eighth Schedule was sidestepped or pushed to the margins. Of late, Maithali has been accepted as ‘scheduled language’ but Braj, Avadhi, Bhojpuri and Rajasthani and all other languages of Hindi belt have lagged behind, despite an abundance of significant literature that has been written in these languages.

Though there were 146 registered magazines in Santali in Jharhkand alone, in 2002, yet this language was not included in the Eighth Schedule. Since then the number of Santali publications has increased manifold. They have used these little magazines to develop their contemporary ‘written’ literature as an activist strategy/struggle for the inclusion of their language in the Eighth Schedule.(1)

Similarly, besides Assamese, there are Bodo, Karbi, Rabha, Garo languages in Assam that are exclusively spoken by tribals and in which literature is being created. This literature has mainly come to the fore through little magazines. Having no separate scripts of their own, the speakers of these languages began writing borrowing Assamese or Roman scripts; now they have even modified and adapted Devnagari for the purpose of writing. They have kept their languages not only alive but have also enriched them through the medium of little magazines and newspapers. Apart from Bodo, all other tribal languages of Northeastern states are non-scheduled. Bodos had put up an unprecedented fight for Bodo language. Bodo-speakers not only wrote their stories, poems, myths, folk songs, travelogues, biographies and plays in hundreds but they have also translated the classics from Hindi, Sanskrit and English into Bodo. Most of their literature was published in little magazines, dailies and fortnightly newspapers. Through their struggle, Bodo people compelled the state government to make provision for their education in their mother tongue. They directed their intellectual movement through little magazines; or in other words, this intellectual movement was possible because of little magazines and newspapers. Bodo language too has been included in the Eighth Schedule recently. State administration and Government did not support the growth of Bodo literature. Primarily co-coordinated by Bodo Sahitya Sabha, its success has been the result of the collective effort of Bodo society, intellectuals, public, workers and little magazines.

If people in Arunachal Pradesh write in Assamese, Devnagari and Roman script; people in Meghalaya use Roman script for Khasi language. All the languages of Northeastern states, in which literature is being written, are growing either with the help of several little magazines or because of state patronage to their efforts – the Center is still ignoring them. As all other languages among eight Northeastern states, except Bodo, are non-scheduled, the intellectuals of these states are worried about their getting extinct, despite recognition by the respective states.

M.R. Lahary traces the reason for this crisis of non-scheduled languages, barring a few, in their not being the media of education by which they could have been conserved or nurtured.(2) The government is utterly indifferent to their conservation or their being the media of education. There is also something else to this ‘demise’ of these languages. It inheres in the adoption, by the native speakers, of other languages at the cost of their own language. Bilingualism prevails in fifty percent of the tribals. Two contradictory forces are at work within one language/linguistic community–the forces of continuity (holding on to) and that of change. Both of these forces work together. If on the one hand the force of custody conserves the language, the force of change, on the other hand, destroys it. There has been a mushrooming of new contact languages at many places in tribal areas. Actually, whenever a language becomes the medium of education or the medium of literature, it enriches itself by borrowing words from other languages, and never dies.

If non-scheduled languages fulfill any of the following conditions, the possibility of it subjugation by another language is nullified:–



1. Language as medium of education, in other words existence of enough avenues for education and development in mother tongue

2. Language as medium of written literature and medium of compilation of folk literature

3. Validation of the usefulness of the language and its constant use in practice by its native speakers

The fulfillment of first condition normally rests with the government, especially with the Central government. Personal efforts at social level can also be fruitful in achieving it. Speakers of Bodo and Santali, by creating literature in these languages and by adopting methods of agitation, succeeded in getting these languages as media of education, and also got them enlisted in the eighth schedule. In Bengal, it was the state government that took initiative in making Santali the medium of education. Santali people have even evolved their own script. Following them, scripts have also been developed for Kudux and Ho languages in Jharkhand, and a large amount of literature is being written in these languages. However, all these efforts are being carried out at social and literary front exclusively. Little magazines are making a significant contribution in this.

R. P. Lama, a Lepcha expert and speaker, quoting from Sir George Grierson’s book Linguistic Survey of India, opines, “India has 179 major languages and 544 dialects spoken by different groups and subgroups. Out of the 18 Indian languages constitutionally recognized by the Govt. of India as National languages, no tribal language has found a place.”3 Though Bodo and Santali have since been listed in the Eighth Schedule, yet this is not enough.

According to Ganesh N. Devy, “9 crore tribals, 6 crore nomads – that is approximately14-15 crore tribal people are being displaced in the name of development. One or two percent of the people that form the ‘creamy layer’ have hijacked everything out of them. The government doesn’t have any concrete plan to conserve these languages. Nevertheless, several important magazines of tribal languages are being published in nine or ten languages. A new interrogative articulation is taking shape in the literature of the entire northeast, and southeast, and also in Munda and Gond literature. It is important for us to understand that tribal literature is emerging as a big challenge to Indian literature. This is not complementary but a complete literature. It straddles at least 90 languages whereas English literature is limited to only one language and European literature to 25 languages. What we have been designating as Indian literature for the past fifty years constitutes only 26 languages, including Pali and Sanskrit.”4

A literature that encapsulates at least three to four thousand years old history and a wonderful diversity and abundance of communities, and is composed in 90 languages doesn’t exist anywhere else in the world – neither in American Black literature, nor Australian nor Negroid. It is a unique chapter in the history of world literature. This is an altogether different phenomenon in world history. Located within such a context, it is a big challenge, not only for the tribals, but also for literature and little magazines, to affect transformation. A challenge that is much bigger in scope than the one that was faced by Black literature. ‘Yudhrat Aam Aadmi,’ as peoples’ magazine and as a movement has taken up this challenge. By publishing their works in original and in translation, the journal has brought this subaltern literature into national limelight with the view to sustain it and transform it into an empowering tool to pressurize the government into changing the policies.

Since the whole of this literature is being written in non-scheduled–and not in scheduled or recognized – languages, it enjoys no facility for the conservation or custody of these languages. The threat that these languages may either become extinct or may be assimilated is very real. All tribal languages in South have already been absorbed or assimilated in the state or regional languages; they no more exist as written languages. Now they either exist as ‘oral’ languages or have been confined to certain places and tribes only. ‘Goreboli’ is a language of nomadic tribes such as Banjara, Lambari etc., and people of these communities speak this language all over the world. They also tend to imbibe the language of the place they go to as a medium of contact. But, despite being the language of 8 crore people, Goreboli is neither accepted as the medium of education nor has it been able to draw the attention of little magazines. However, now they have started writing in their own language and are also bringing out their magazines. The other folk/tribal//local languages of South have, nevertheless, become extinct. At best they only survive as the medium of intra community dialogue here and there.

Jawaharlal Nehru had said, “Language should not be a dividing factor but it should bring us together and each language can help the other languages of India grow through contact and exchange of ideas.”5 Despite Nehru’s lofty thoughts, his government did not pay heed to these languages. Some of the prominent writers, philosophers, intellectuals and linguists of these non-scheduled languages have expressed their dissatisfaction as to this indifference towards these languages.

Nand Dev Verma, a Kokborok speaker and tribal writer from Tripura laments that ‘Rajani Kok’ (the language of the kings) language that Halam tribes have been speaking, along with many other languages of Tripura, has now been reduced to a minority status within its own state.

In a tone of self-criticism in the context of English domination, Desmond Kharmawphlang, a poet from Meghalya says:

My burdensome English learning

Assails me, and the tomb it has become

Laughs and cackles without end6

A poet from Meghalya, who writes poetry in English, says that he can’t recite a poem before an audience comprising his own people nor can he enjoy their applause because they do not know English. So he feels guilty.

Nitai Rabha, a poet from Rabha community alerts his people to speak their own language:–

Trying to speak Lema (Assamese)

You have lost your tongue–your own dialect

Our dialect is deficient in no way

In sweetness

Then why mimic others?

Praban Bargoyari, a Boro writer and an eminent educationist from Assam believes that:–

Except Manipuri, all languages of Indo-monogoloids and Austric groups have been squarely neglected and deprived of their due priority and protection under the provisions of the Constitution of India. I am afraid, such discrimination has encroached upon the fundamental rights of the tribal people of India. In this case, even the fundamental rights of Indian Constitution are found self-contradictory. Whereas the Constitution itself guarantees the rights of preservation, adoption and promotion of their language, culture, and religion etc. to its each and every citizen; on the other hand, it squarely discriminated and except Manipuri, included the highly developed Aryan and Dravidian languages only in the 8th schedule of the Constitution of India.7

The threat to non-scheduled languages has, in fact, agitated the entire intellectual class of the Northeast. They believe this danger is the outcome of those government policies that, in conjunction with the processes of globalization, have always tended to profane the local. Religion is yet another factor that at times endangers the existence of these languages in this region. Sometimes regionalism too hinders the development of these tribal languages.

U. G. Brahma (former M.P.) sees privatization of education as a tool of linguistic imperialism in the Indian context. As a result, he opines, “in a dramatic development, there is a mushroom growth of private educational institutes having non-tribal language as the medium of instruction in tribal area and they have threatened seriously the existence of tribal languages as medium of instruction.”8

As to the question of threat to tribal languages, M. R. Lahary thinks that:–

‘Each of these languages which could not flourish beyond their speaker’s areas due to lack of scope for wider use on national level, is endowed with vital potential to add something to national integration just like drops of water, however small, augment the surface of rivers and streams. Linguistic compartmentalization, chauvinism and snobbery weaken the fabric of national integration. It begets not only misgivings but also dislikes among speakers of different languages.’9

That is why Brahma expects from the government that it “envisage minimum common national programme for the preservation and development of the non-scheduled languages. Terms and conditions should be relaxed to accommodate some more languages in the 8th schedule.” (10)

It is, thus, not only government policies but also cultural assault from outside that endangers these languages. Tribal communities fear that their original languages or their very linguistic core will be sidelined or destroyed in the name of national educational policy. More than five hundred tribes live in India. Of these, 75 tribal groups that live in different states outside Northeast, barring a few, most of them have either lost their language or are on the verge of losing them; in most cases these have been subsumed within the language of the majority.

Casting doubts on the present education policy, U.G. Brahma says:–

‘In one sense the present education policy is technology based job oriented education, where technical education has been given much prominence. It is often said as need based education also. Sometimes, it is feared that something is hiding behind the new education policy of this government. What is being hidden, I am not aware of that. But if it is again to marginalize the tribal languages by way of forceful interaction or silent means of assimilation, then this is not to be considered a part of the education policy. Because, if any policy is adopted that is not in conformity with the basic principle, it never yields a good result… In the last [60] years of our independence, equal and proportionate development could not be possible and large disparities in development level in various aspects between the weaker and stronger sections have been crystallized more.’ (11)

Anil Boro questions, “If a small minority of few thousands enjoy constitutional right to safeguard their language, why not these indigenous languages enjoy the right to safeguard their languages?”(12)

If Jharkhandi Magazines could survive today despite the well orchestrated assault of market economy, the credit for it goes to the linguistic pride of its people and their sustained struggle for it. From the time of undivided Bihar to the creation of present day Jharkhand, all successive governments at the Centre and in the state have been shying away from granting due respect to Jharkhandi languages.

By nurturing a consciousness for mother tongues, the language movement, through little magazines and newspapers, can turn into an enabling resistance towards indifference of the government towards tribal and those languages that are on the verge of extinction. Since it is deep rooted, it can stop any linguistic imperialism – native or foreign; be it internal or external colonialism. This consciousness trickles down to the last unit, at least to the literates. Its benefits also reach those illiterate groups of people whose children and relatives have become educated. These little magazines and newspapers and little booklets have contributed a lot in the development and sustenance of indigenous/tribal languages, in their respective areas. The articles and issues that appear in their own language in these magazines, keep alive their faith even when these people move out of their states. These language magazines thus keep inspiring them to keep their speech and script alive even in the pardes or the alien land. These people continue to publish their language magazine from big cities like Mumbai, Chennai, Kolkatta, and Gawhati etc. A large number of such little magazines of distant and far-flung languages are also printed in Delhi and other big cities; these keep intact their touch with their own language even after moving to Delhi or Bombay or any other big city. They earn their livelihood through Hindi or English; they even converse in these languages but think, plan, protest and resolve in their own language. And it is this that keeps their languages alive. Consequently, our priority should be the encouragement of their ‘language’ literature, whether in original or in translation, through the medium of little magazines and string them – the non-scheduled, unlisted or listed, indigenous languages – together symbiotically and relationally, so that they can enrich major languages and get enriched in turn through them. Linguistic democracy is only possible if the major language works with the intention of enriching, and in turn getting enriched by other language, and not with the intention of swamping or killing it.

Once upon a time, realizing Bangla’s hegemony, Assamese speakers rose in protest against it. It was only because of this struggle for language pride in the wake of the awakening of language consciousness, that underdeveloped/backward languages could remain alive. Assamese also got its due place. Kokborok in Tripura and Mizo in Mizoram could become state-languages because of the affirmative polices of the respective governments. In Arunachal Pradesh, Hindi or Assamese are used as official languages. There is no place for indigenous languages despite they being a dozen in number. The Apatani and Aadi-Sherdukpen speaking tribes have started writing in Hindi, Assamese or English out of shear compulsion, for their languages neither enjoy any patronage, nor do they have any script. But why is it so?

One can enumerate many reasons for this state of affairs. One of the major reason among these is the non-existence of scripts in these languages. People in northeast have, nevertheless, begun scripting the literature in their own language by adopting the Roman or Devnagari script or of some of other major regional languages. As a result their languages and dialects are still safe. By using diacritical marks in consonance with their own sounds and symbols on the available scripts, they have improvised a language that is grammatically and phonetically viable – and have started writing their literature in it. This is how they have inked their literature. All these however are individual initiatives. There has been no help, whatsoever, from the government. This love for their language has not only made them conscious about it, but has also taught them to oppose linguistic authoritarianism. They have turned rebels. The protest against Hindi in South, Bengali in Assam, and revolt against Assamese by tribal people are signs of emerging language consciousness/identity.

Tribal communities are not opportunistic like the mainstream communities. It is free from casteism or middle class mentality. Though weak economically and politically, it is nevertheless equipped with the feeling of equality and co-operation. It is this awareness of one’s identity and self-respect that has forced the Dalits to struggle. Dalits didn’t have any identity on the language plane; for them the issue of freedom, which could get them identity and self-respect, was more important than the issue of language identity. Nevertheless, on literary front they are engaged in struggle on ‘art-for-art’ and ‘art-for-life’ sake issues, or in other words, on the issues of form and content versus reality and authenticity.

The middle class of Hindi belt possesses the resources of Hindi and English to earn its livelihood and to improve its life-style, but the tribals – located on the lowest rung of the ladder–have no option other than limited reservation. It is therefore imperative to create opportunities for them in their own language.

Imperial thinking is authoritarian; it not only usurps the languages but also creates animosity among them. Translation is a necessary condition for the growth of languages and to crash language imperialism. Translation has the potential to link and acquaint languages with each other in ways that they can stand together against the domination of any one language.

Even in other countries the middle class remains an opportunistic class. Poor or rich, high caste or low, majority people of Hindi belt are the custodians and propagators of middle class mentality. And it is this middle class that ironically revolts as well as leads too. In the process of fine-tuning Hindi into an administrative/state language, the intellectuals and writers of Hindi have made it lean heavily on Sanskrit. Consequently, it is no more a language of the common people. On the other hand, genuine Hindi, a combination of Khariboli and Urdu, and tampered with by the local dialects, which was known as Hindustani – has become Janbhasa, or the language of the masses. It is this Hindustani that is in fact used as link language throughout the country. The so called stalwarts of Hindi belt, in their maneuvers to prove Urdu as the language of the Muslims, have wittingly or unwittingly, turned Hindi into the language of Hindus. To our great surprise this very Hindi became our national or administrative language. It also became the self proclaimed language of great literature, and common man’s language, i.e., Hindustani, was reduced into the language of folk or inferior literature. The priority should have been the development of people’s language. It was this language that originating in dakhini dialect had joined hand with Urdu to evolve into khariboli. The original khariboli had words from all the dialects which are either used/spoken in various pronunciations in different languages including Panjabi or are still intact/present in their original form even today. The words of khariboli are present in Marathi and Gujarati too. But after donning the robe of Sanskrit it has attained the status of bhasa or language and has attained status as national language, but, in the process, has got severed from the jan or the people.

The new generation of the present is busy acquiring employment friendly language or languages and it is in these languages that literature is being written. Having been accepted by government job and global market it has also become the language of media, and is once again changing its contours.

If we want to save/conserve these languages/dialects then it calls for ushering in of language democracy and creation of opportunities for non-scheduled languages. Though it can be achieved easily and swiftly with the help of the concerned state, if and only if the state can provide for need based education in the medium of these languages and it also encourages literature created in these languages, yet even without government support a desire to protect their language identity and culture has kindled the consciousness of tribals and has led them to produce realistic and issue oriented literature incorporating new cultural values. The spread of education and availability of scripts in a few languages, coupled with an awareness of impending danger to their identity, has whetted their consciousness with a hunger for writing and publication in these languages. They have effectively employed little magazines and newspapers as media to raise these issues.

If every magazine dedicates a few pages to any one of these non-scheduled languages for translation, language sisterhood could be created. The authoritarian, imperialistic language bias creates animosity among languages because by imposing itself on other it tends to usurp the other; the language sisterhood, on the other hand, promotes the tendency to reciprocate, or mutual give and take among languages. It believes in democracy where every one has the right to live and let live and grow together. Through translation, little magazines can create an atmosphere of linguistic sisterhood and unity among them.

1 Since the writing of this work, Santali has been included in the Eighth Schedule of the Constitution.

2 For details see M.R. Lahary, “Future of Unscheduled Tribal Languages,” Sannidhi, 34-44.

3 George Grierson quoted in R. P. Lama,”The Role of Tribal Linguistic Groups in Implementation of Education Policy,” Sannidhi, 51

4 G.N.Devy, “Adivasi Samaj Aur Sahitya Ki Chunautiyan” Yudharat Aam Aadmi: Akhil Bhartiya Adivasi Sahitya Sammelan - Special Issue No 80: .23-24.

5 Jawaharla Nehru quoted in Lama, 49.

6 New Frontiers 2.1 (Winter 2000) 103

7 Praban Bargoyari, “Future of Tribal Languages in 21st Century and Their Role in Strengthening National Integration,” Sanniddi, 46.

8 U. G. Brahma, “Tribal and Their Education: An Overview,” Sannidhi, 10.

9 For details see M.R. Lahary, “Future of Unscheduled Tribal Languages,” Sannidhi, 38-39.

10 U. G. Brahma, “Tribal and Their Education: An Overview,” Sannidh, 10

11 U. G. Brahma, “Tribal and Their Education: An Overview,” Sannidhi, 8.

12 Anil Boro, “Indigenous Languages of North East India: Threats to Their Survival,” Sannidhi, 32.

RAMNIKA FOUNDATION : रमणिका फाऊंडेशन: पुरुषनिर्मित सौन्दर्यकसौटी पर ही खुद को तोलती है औरतें

RAMNIKA FOUNDATION : रमणिका फाऊंडेशन: पुरुषनिर्मित सौन्दर्यकसौटी पर ही खुद को तोलती है औरतें

RAMNIKA FOUNDATION : रमणिका फाऊंडेशन: पुरुषनिर्मित सौन्दर्यकसौटी पर ही खुद को तोलती है औरतें

RAMNIKA FOUNDATION : रमणिका फाऊंडेशन: पुरुषनिर्मित सौन्दर्यकसौटी पर ही खुद को तोलती है औरतें

पुरुषनिर्मित सौन्दर्यकसौटी पर ही खुद को तोलती है औरतें

विचित्र तो यह है कि स्त्री की मुक्ति का अहसास होने के बावजूद आज भी स्त्री पुरुषनिधार्रित सौन्दर्यमानकों के खांचों में खुद को फिट करने की होड. में शामिल है।


आज भी उनका सौंदर्यबोध  उनका सपना पुरुष की नज़रों  में सुन्दर लगना ही है। उनकी चाहत है ऐसी देह, जो पुरुष को आकर्षित कर सके, जिस पर पुरुष मुग्ध हो जाए। ऐसी कसौटी जिस पर वह सराही जाये, जिसे पुरुषों ने ही गढ़ा  है। यानी ३६.२४.३६ की गोरी, कोमल, नाज़ुक, नफीज़ दिखने वाली एक ऐसी देहयष्टि, जो पुरुषों को मुग्ध कर सके या उनमें हजारों में एक का स्वामी होने का आभास पैदा कर सके।

यूँ तो आकर्षित करने का  इम्पल्स पशुओं में भी होती है लेकिन वह प्रकृति  द्वारा प्रदत्त निधारित और निश्चित आचरण होता है। मनुष्य अपना आचरण खुद तय करता है, इसलिए स्त्री  यदि अपने अनुकूल आचरण तय करती है, तो वह ज्यादा आत्मनिर्भर बन सकती है। देह का ही मामला लें। कामकाजी महिला को चुस्तदुरुस्त, हाजिर जवाब, हिलमिल कर काम करने का स्वभाव, सूचनाओं से लैस और साहसी होना जरूरी होता है, छुईमुई बनना नहीं। ऐसा होने पर कार्यस्थल पर वह पुरुषों में व्याप्त कामुक नजरों का मुकाबला ज्यादा मुस्तैदी से कर सकती है। यदि वह नाज़ुक, नफीज़  या फिगर के घेरे में ही सीमित रहे अथवा इसी चक्कर  में रहे कि वह पुरुष की नज़र  में कैसी लगती है, तो उसका काम प्रभावित होता है और बहुत से पुरुष उसके आश्रयदाता बनकर उसके बदले काम करने का प्रलोभन देकर, उसे अपने वश में करने का प्रयास करने लगते हैं।
 
आखिर स्त्रियों  में भी, मर्दों द्वारा अपनी तुष्टि व आनंद के लिए गढ़ी  गई एक तिलस्माई लेकिन कठपुतलीनुमा छवि वाली स्त्री की कसौटी यानी एक नाज़ुक , पतलीदुबली, गोरी, बड़े बड़े उरोज, गुदगुदे और बड़े बड़े नितम्ब, लम्बा कद, पतली कमर, लम्बी उंगलियां, छोटे पांव, लम्बी गर्दन, लम्बे व चमकदार बालों वाली स्त्री  के प्रति सम्मोहन क्यों  है? पुरुष एक ऐसी ही कमनीय स्त्री  की कामना करता है और ऐसी ही स्त्री  को अपनी अंकशायिनी बनने के काबिल समझता व मानता है। ऐसी ही स्त्री उसे आकर्षित करती है। ऐसी स्त्री  उसकी अंकशायिनी तो बनती है पर प्रायः वह उसके आदर की पात्र नहीं होती। पुरुष भोगने के पहले और बाद में भी ऐसी सुन्दर स्त्री  के चरित्र को प्रायः शंकालु और हेय नजरों से देखता है। वह उस परपुरुष को मोहने का आरोप तक लगा कर खुद को दोष मुक्त  कर लेता है। इससे साफ ज़ाहिर  है कि पुरुष एक कमजद्रोर स्त्री की ही कामना करता है की जिस पर वह हावी हो सके जिसे वह अपने  वश में रख सके। किन्तु स्त्रीयों  खुद को पुरुष अभीप्रिय छवि में फिट करने को आतुर रहती है। इसका जवाब स्त्री  का पुरुषवादी मानसिकता से आतंकित होना ही है।

हांलांकि मुझे बाजारवादी मॉडल या फिल्मी दुनिया को ऐसी स्त्री  से बिल्कुल ऐतराज नहीं है लेकिन उनके सौंदर्य का मापदंड पुरुष ने निर्धारित किया है। और पुरुष प्रायः केवल स्त्री  की देह को देखता है, देहधारी की क्षमता और काबिलियत को नज.रअंदाज कर देता है। वह, यानी स्त्री  कितनी गुणवान  है, कितनी सामाजिक है, गुणवान या ईमानदार है, यह पुरुषों के लिए मायने नहीं रखता। बस कितनी मुग्धकारी तस्वीरसी लगती है वही उनकी कसौटी है। विडम्बना तो यह है कि अज्ञानवश अधिकांश स्त्रियाँ  भी इसी पुरुष दृष्टी  से ही सोचती हैं। सुन्दर लगना स्त्रियित्व  तो क्या  मनुष्य का गुण है पर सुन्दर वस्तु बनना जड़ता  का प्रतीक है, जीवन्त मनुष्य का नहीं। स्त्राी जरूर सुन्दर लगे या सुन्दर लगने का प्रयास करे पर ,पुरुष के लिए भोग्या बनने के लिए नहीं बल्कि इसलिए कि सुन्दरता एक गुण है, विशेषता है स्त्री का सुन्दर व आकर्षक लगना उसका स्वभाव है, गुण है एक मानवीय बोध है, जिसे आत्मसात किया जाना चाहिये वस्तु मान कर भोगना नहीं। अजीब विडम्बना है कि पुरुष ने स्त्री  का मानक ऐसा गढ़ा  है, जिसमें वह कमज़ोर व  पराश्रित दिखती है। ऐसी नाजुक कि बिना पुरुष के सहारे आगे ही न बढ सके। किन्तु स्त्री  ने पुरुष के लिए जो मानक गढ़ा है  वह ठीक इसके उलट है। इसलिए हर पुरुष स्त्री  के समक्ष खुद हृष्ट पुष्ट, बलिष्ठ व चुस्त दुरुस्त दिखने की चेष्टा करता है चूंकि स्त्रियों  ने उसके लिए ऐसा ही मानक गढ रखा है! यानी ऐसा पुरुष जो उसे वश में रख सके। यही वह ग्रन्थि है जो सदियों से स्त्री  के अवचेतन में उसके पोरपोर में ठूंसठूंस कर भरी जाती रही है कि उसे पुरुष के अधीन उसके वश में ही रहना है। स्त्री  को अपने अर्न्तमन की यही गांठ खोलनी है और इसी से उसे मुक्त होना है।

हालांकि ये मानक व्यक्तिगत  रुचि के अनुसार बदले भी हैं और बदल भी रहे हैं। पर प्रचारित प्रसारित व समाज में आदर्श केवल ऊपर  वर्णित मानकों को ही माना गया है। किन्तु अब स्त्री  पुरुष के सब मानदण्डों व नजरियों को बदलने की जरूरत है।


दरअसल स्त्रियों  को खुद में अन्तेर्द्रिष्टि  पैदा करनी होगी अधिकांश स्त्रियाँ  पुरुष दृष्टि से ही ग्रस्त हैं। अभी तक स्त्रियाँ  खुद भी दूसरी स्त्री को एक स्त्री  के रूप में देखने की क्षमता हासिल नहीं कर सकीं हैं, इसीलिए वे स्त्री  होने के नाते दूसरी स्त्री  की त्रासदी को नहीं समझ पातीं। सासबहू का विवाद ऐसी ही सोच का परिणाम है। वे रिश्तों के संदर्भ में ही दूसरी औरत को समझती हैं। मां भी बेटी को बेटी यानी सन्तान के नाते ही पहचानती है और बेटी मां को मां के रिश्ते के नाते। दोनों एकदूसरे को एक औरत होने के नाते नहीं समझतीं। जिस दिन यह सोच निर्मित हो जाएगी, उस दिन स्त्री  अपनी मुक्ति की आधी लडाई जीत लेगी।

सन्तान का मोह भी स्त्री को गुलाम बनाता है। ऐसा लगता है जैसे स्त्री  ने ही सारी ममता का ठेका ले रखा है। पुरुष क्यों नहीं सन्तान के मोह में पडता? वह भी तो पिता होता है। सारा दायित्व औरत पर ही क्यों ? ये प्रश्न जवाब खोजते हैं। 

हमारी भाषा भी स्त्री विरोधी है

मुक्ति का सपना हर मनुष्य देखता है--औरत भी देखती हैङ्ककिन्तु 'मुक्ति' का अर्थ भिन्न-भिन्न सन्दर्भों में जुदाजुदा होता है। अभी भी भारत में ९०% स्त्रियाँ मुक्ति के विमर्श से अनजान हैं। अधिकांश तो अपनी गुलामी का जश्न मनाती दिखती हैं। जो मुक्त हैं या होना चाहती हैंङ्कउनमें भी कई स्तर हैं। सो मुक्ति के इस सपने को यथार्थ की धरती पर टटोलने की कोशिश की है हमने। स्त्रिायों की कितनी सहभागिता है। इसका सच गरिमा भारती के अंक १६१७ में प्रकाशित श्री.पी.आर.गौतम का आलेख उजागर करता है। श्री पी. आर गौतम के अनुसार--''भारत की कुल आबादी में ५२% पुरुष हैं। उसमें--२५% स्त्रियां कषि क्षेत्रा में काम करती हैं। ४ आदिवासी हैं। २% पागलखानों में भर्ती हैं, जिनके पतियों ने दूसरी शादी करने के लिए उन्हें पागल घोषित करवा कर पागल खाने भिजवा दिया है। १% औरत जेल में बंद है। ३% वेश्यावॐति में लगी है। ११% औरतें विधवा व निराश्रित हैं। इस प्रकार कुल ४६% स्त्रियां अक्षम हैं। शेष २% स्त्रियां ही बचती हैं। जो सक्षम हैं, और कुछ बोलबतिया सकती हैं या भागीदारी के काबिल हैं। इसी से अन्दज   लगाया जा सकता है कि २% स्त्रियों की भागीदारी उन्हें कितना मुक्त कर सकती है ! हाँ संविधान में भले सभी बराबर हैंङ्कयानि स्त्राीपुरुष बराबर। जमीन पर सभी गुलाम हैं। दरअसल ये शासक चाहते ही नहीं कि स्त्रिायाँ आजाद हों, अन्यथा वे स्त्राी के आरक्षण को पिछले १५ वर्ष से लटकाए नहीं रखते।
पुरुषों की मानसिकता को बदलना जितना जरूरी हैङ्कउससे ज्यादा जरूरी है खुद औरत की पुरुष दॐष्टि से लैस मानसिकता को बदलना। हमारे देश में औरत खुद कैसे उल्लासपूर्वक अपना दासतापर्व मनाती हैं, यह देखकर आश्चर्य होता है। संघड.चौथ का व्रत वह इस कामना से रखती है कि भले अगले जन्म में वह 'गधी* का जन्म ले, किन्तु उसके पति व बच्चे सुरक्षित रहें। करवाचौथ का व्रत तो पति के लिए ही रखा जाता है। स्त्राी के सुख व सुरक्षा का कोई नियमव्रत या पर्व किसी भी धर्म में निट्ठाार्रित नहीं है। इस्लाम में स्त्राी द्वारा रखे गए रोजेद्र का सवाब भी उसके पति को ही मिलता है। इसाई धर्म में तो औरत आदिम की पसली से ही बनी या बनाई गई। उसका स्वतन्त्रा अस्तित्व ही नकार दिया गया है।
हमारी भाषा भी कितनी स्त्राीविरोट्ठाी है या कहूं कितनी पुरुषवाद की क ायल हैङ्कयह स्त्राी के संदर्भ में प्रयोग होने वाले शद्बों से ही पता चल जाता है।
ऐसे तो विश्व में जितनी भी भद्‌दी अश्लील गालियां हैंङ्कसभी स्त्राी को या उसके अंगों को लेकर हैं। अजीब बात है कि स्त्राी के जिन अंगों के लिए पुरुष दीवाना बना रहता हैङ्कउन्हीं अंगों को वह गाली बना कर अपनी भड ास निकालता है। लगता है जैसे स्त्राी के आगे हार जाने पर हीनताग्रस्त पुरुषों ने ही हताशा में इन गालियों को गढ ा होगा।
'स्तन* शद्ब ही लीजिए! एक बच्चा (पुरुष भी अपने बालक रूप में उसमें शामिल होता है)ङ्कदूट्ठा पीकर ऊर्जा पाकर विकसित होता है, युवा होता है! उन्हीं स्तनों की महिमा में श्रॐंगाररस के कवियों ने ग्रन्थ पर ग्रन्थ लिख मारे हैंङ्कलेकिन वार्तालाप में 'स्तन* शद्ब का प्रयोग अश्लील माना जाता है। लगता है पुरुषों ने, चाहे पालक के रूप में हो या पति के रूप में इस शद्ब पर अपना निजि रूप से एकाट्ठिाकार जमा लिया है । बस अपने एकान्त के लिए सुरक्षित रख लिया इसे। एकान्त से बाहर प्रयोग अश्लील घोषित कर दिया गया। गाय या भैस अपने शावकों को 'थन* से दूध पिलाती है, उसी का पर्याय 'स्तन* भी है। विडम्बना यह है कि स्त्राी से जुड.ते ही यह शद्ब अश्लील हो जाता है। विचित्रा यह भी कि 'थन* तभव हो कर श्लील है और 'स्तन* तत्सव और अभिजात होकर अश्लील। यह पुरुषों की मानसिकता के साथसाथ अभिजात वर्गों व आम आदमी की सोच के अन्तर को भी प्रकट करता है।
स्त्राी की कोख से बच्चे पैदा होने पर घर भर में खुशियां मनाई जाती हैं। किसी को कोई एतराजद्र नहीं होता। पर चूंकि यही कोख् ा स्त्राी की देह का अंग हैंङ्कइसलिए वह न सिर्फ गाली का पर्याय बल्कि अश्लील और अपवित्रा भी बना दी गई । हालांकि इसी कोख के दीवाने हो कर विश्वमित्राों जैसे कई ऋषिमहर्षियों ने शकुन्तलाओं की परम्परा की नींव डाली या उससे अनेकों महापुरुष एवं तथाकथित अवतार, वीरपैगम्बर, फरिश्ते यहाँ तक कि ईश्वर भी प्रकट हुए।
दो और शद्ब हैंङ्क'स्वेच्छाचारी* और 'स्वतंत्रा* अथवा 'आजाद* ये दोनों शद्ब स्त्राी के संदर्भ में आते ही चरित्राहीनता के अर्थ में समझे जाने लगते हैं। यह अलग बात है कि 'स्वतन्त्रा* शद्ब आज के युग में देशों के 'स्वतन्त्रातासंग्रामों* से जुड.कर गौरवान्वित हो रहा है किन्तु साट्ठाारणतया स्त्राी के प्रसंग में प्रायः यह शद्ब आज भी 'एक बेलगाम स्त्राी* के अर्थ में ही प्रयुक्त होता है। ऐसे आजकल स्त्राी के सन्दर्भ में भी कहींकही यह शद्ब 'एक मुक्त या आजद्राद स्त्राी* के अर्थ में प्रयुक्त हो रहा है, जो शुभ है।
हमारा समाज पुरुष को तो स्वभावतः 'स्वातंत्रा* ही मानते आया है। स्वतत्रांता को पुरुष का जन्मजातसच या कहा जाय 'जन्मसिद्घ अनिवार्य अधिकार* माना जाता है। न जाने किन परिस्थितियों में 'स्वेच्छाचारी* शद्ब, खास कर औरत के संदर्भ में अवमानित कर दिया गया और वह एक 'व्यभिचारी* 'आवारा* या 'बदमाश* औरत के अर्थ में परिभाषित किया जाने लगा। हॉलाँकि 'स्वेच्छाचारी* शद्ब का सीधासपाट अर्थ या कहें शद्बार्थ होता हैङ्क'वह जो अपनी इच्छा से आचरण करे!* दरअसल अपनी इच्छा से आचरण करना तो किसी मनुष्य या व्यक्ति की स्वतन्त्रा प्रवॐत्तिा या मुक्ततता की भावना का द्योतक हैङ्कजबकि दूसरे की इच्छा से आचरण करने से दासत्व या गुलामी की ध्वनि निसॐत होती है। इतना स्पष्ट अर्थ होने के बावजूद भाषा में व्याप्त पुरुष शाउनिज्म ने इस शद्ब के अर्थ को नकारात्मक अर्थ दे दिया और औरत के स्वेच्छाचारी होने का अर्थ उसकी चरित्राहीनता का पर्याय बना दिया। तसलीमा नसरीन ने भी स्वेच्छाचारी शद्बको स्त्राीमुक्ति के सन्दर्भ में अधिक संप्रेषणीय और सही ठहराते हुए कहा हैङ्क''हाँ मैं स्वेच्छाचारी हूँ।**
सच तो यह है कि, जो औरत स्वेच्छाचारी होगी वही किसी पुरुष के प्रस्ताव को नकार या स्वीकार करने का साहस रख सकती है, जो औरत अपनी इच्छा से आचरण न कर सके, वैसी औरत में इन्कार करने की हिम्मत ही नहीं होती। किसी भी प्रकार की हिंसा, व्याभिचार, बलात्कार या छेड.छाड का शिकार आसानी से बनाया जा सकता है।
लेकिन वाह रे पुरुष का मन। कहीं स्वेच्छाचारी औरत अपने मन से किसी को वर न लेङ्कप्यार न कर लेङ्कया अपने ऊपर किसी को जबरन थोपे जाने से इन्कार न कर देङ्कइसी डर से उसने औरत के संदर्भ में इस शद्ब को ही 'अछूत* बना दिया।
तसलीमा नसरीन के शद्बों मेंङ्क''स्वेच्छाचारी का अर्थ जिस किसी के साथ सो जाना नहीं है। वही औरत स्वेच्छाचारी कहला सकती है, जो इच्छा न होने पर मर्द के साथ न सोये और सोने से इनकार कर दे।**
मैनें अपनी घोषित निजि आत्मकथा का नाम 'स्वेच्छाचारी* शद्ब का पंजाबी पर्याय 'आपहुदरी* रखा चूंकि मेरी नजद्रर में केवल 'स्वतंत्रा* होना औरत की मुक्तिमुहिम के सम्पूर्ण लक्ष्य को निर्दिष्ट नहीं करता। आन्दोलन का लक्ष्य केवल औरत का पुरुष वर्चस्व से मुङ्कत होना ही नहीं है। वह अपनी इच्छानुसार मुङ्कत आचरण करने का साहस भी रखती होङ्कउसमें निर्णय लेने की क्षमता ही नहीं, बल्कि उसका परिणाम भोगने की हिम्मत व हौसला भी हो हमारा अभीष्ट उसका आर्थिक तौर पर आत्मनिर्भर, मानसिक तौर पर साहसी और सबल होने के साथसाथ, नैतिक तौर पर एक 'आजाद इनसान*ङ्क'एक मुङ्कत मनुष्य*, 'एक स्वच्छंद इकाई*, एक 'जिम्मेवार नागरिक* होना भी है। एक स्वेच्छाचारी औरत ही ऐसी सक्षम औरत हो सकती है चूंकि वह इनकार करने का जोखिद्रम उठाने और स्वीकार करने का साहस भी रखती है। हमारा अभीष्ट है ऐसी औरतें जो अपना निर्णय खुद लें और उसका फल भोगने को भी तैय्यार रहे। जो हवा में मुङ्कत उड ने का दम भरने की हिम्मत रखे और अपनी इच्छाओं को 'गुनाह* नहींङ्क'नेमत* माने प्रकॐतिप्रदत्ता गुण माने। जो प्रेम करने से डरे नहीें। स्वेच्छाचारी व मुक्त औरत कायर नहीं होती। मुङ्कत औरत नैतिकता के नाम पर गुलाम रहने को मजबूर नहीं होती। वह अपनी नैतिकता स्वयं गढ ती है।

ऐसे तो हर जीवन के बदसूरत पहलुओं से रूबरू होने को अभिशप्त है औरत! उसे खूबसूरत पहलुओं से वंचित रखने के लिए समाज ने, खासकर पुरुष समाज और उनके हथियार बने धर्म ने कड.े नियमकायदे गढ रखे हैं। णान की तरह ही खूबसूरती देखना, खूबसूरत सुनना, खूबसूरत सोचना सभी की तो मनाही रही है औरत के लिए। इस खूबसूरती के रूबरू होने के लिए उसे 'आपहुदरी*, 'स्वेच्छाचारी* औरत बनना ही होगा, अन्यथा उसे बिसूरने के अलावा कुछ हाथ नहीं लगने वाला।
तसलीमा नसरीन के शद्बों मेंङ्क''इन्सान अगर खुद को ही नहीं पहचाने, तो वह किसको पहचानेगा?**
इसलिए जरूरी है स्त्राी खुद को पहचाने। वह केवल खुद को पहचाने ही नहींङ्कमेरा मानना है वह खुद को भी प्यार करे। यदि वह खुद को प्यार नहीं करेगी तो कौन करेगा उससे प्यार? कब खड ी हो सकेगी वह सर ऊंचा उठा कर? इसके लिए जरूरी है कि वह स्वच्छन्द होङ्कस्वेच्छाचारी हो, पंजाबी में कहूँ तो 'आपहुदरी* हो।
वह दूसरों के फैसलों पर नहींङ्कअपने फैसलों पर आचरण करे!